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Full text of "The Co-operative Wholesale Societies, Limited, England and Scotland : annual"

THE T p Q 

HARRISON 

COLLECTION OF 

NINETEENTH CENTURY 

BRITISH SOCIAL HISTORY 

HARRISON 
HD 

3325 
.C76 

1900 

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THE 



Cooperatiue Wholesale Societies 



LIMITED, 



ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 



ANNUAL 



For 1900. 



►£*&*-• 



PUBLISHED BY 

THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED, 
1, BALLOON STREET, MANCHESTER; 

AND 

THE SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED, 
MORRISON STREET GLASGOW. 



MANCHESTER : 

PRINTED AND BOUND BY THE 




LTD- 

AT THEIR WORKS, L0NG8IGHT. 



PREFACE. 

(JTHE "Annual" for 1900 will be found to differ in some 
(*) respects from previous issues. The advertisements of the 
various departments have been omitted, and in their place 
a short account of the Co-operative Wholesale Society has been 
inserted, dealing with its origin, growth, and the many spheres of 
its activities. The number of plates has also been reduced, only 
those representing the actual property of the Society being retained. 

The series of views of the Eoden Estate, with the brief article 
accompanying them, will doubtless prove of considerable interest. 

The subjects chosen for treatment have been selected as dealing 
with questions of present-day importance, and the writers have 
been permitted the fullest liberty in expressing their views. 

Secondary Education is dealt with by Professor Henry de B. 
Gibbins, an author whose name is familiar to readers of the 
"Annual,*' in a style which affords evidence of careful study. 

Mr. Porritt, another well-known writer, contributes an illustrated 
article on "Cotton Factory Life in New England,' - which is 
specially worthy the attention of our readers intimate with the 
conditions of this industry in the mother country. 

Company promotion is well known to afford extensive oppor- 
tunity for fraud, and Mr. MacneiU has written on this subject 
in a vigorous and trenchant style, abounding with facts and 
opinions of experienced observers. 

The principle of the Referendum and its applicability to our 
own country find an able advocate in Mr. A. M. Thompson, of 
the Clarion staff', who presents his case in explicit and forcible 
language, while the case for the contrary view is argued with 
considerable skill by Miss Lilian Tomn. These articles for and 
against the Referendum are worthy a close perusal by those 
wishing to form definite opinions on this topic. 

Mr. H. W. Macrosty furnishes a very readable article on 
"Association versus Competition," in which the growth of the 
Co-operative idea is traced as opposed to that of unrestricted 
competition. The author shows how the latter principle is being 
abandoned, even by the school which at one time professed devout 
adherence to it. 

Two articles of common use, Sugar and Wool, are exhaustively 
treated by Mr. J. E. Jackson and Mr. F. Bradbury respectively, 
in methods that will afford considerable information to any seekers 
after knowledge in this direction. 

The subjects of Taxation and Railway Eates are of perennial 
importance, and the former, written by Mr. F. Yerinder, Secretary 
of the Land Nationalisation League, is a valuable contribution to 
the discussion of matters fiscal. 

December 19th, 1899. THE COMMITTEE. 



VI. 






LIST OF 



MAPS, DIAGRAMS, PREMISES, Ac. 



=*= 



CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY. 



Map of the World. 

Diagram — Thirty-six Years' Progress 
of Co-operation. 

„ Thirty-five Years' Pro- 

gress of the Co-operative 
Wholesale Society Ltd. 

BalloonStreet,Manchester — Registered 
Offices and Boot and Shoe Warehouse. 

Garden Street, Manchester — Grocery 
Warehouse. 

Dantzic Street, Manchester — Drapery 
Warehouse. 

Newcastle Branch, Blandford Street. 

„ Grocery, &c, Warehouse. 

„ Drapery and Furnishing 
Warehouse. 

„ Quayside Warehouses. 

„ Drug, Drysaltery, &c, 

Department, Pelaw. 

London Branch General Office, &c. 

„ Grocery, &c. 

„ Tea Warehouse. 

„ Cocoa and Chocolate Works. 

„ Bacon Stoves. 
Northampton Saleroom. 
Cardiff Saleroom. 
Limerick Branch. 
Tralee Branch and Creamery. 
Armagh Branch. 



An Irish Creamery. 

Crumpsall Biscuit Works. 

Leicester Boot and Shoe Works, Knigh- 
ton Fields. 

„ Boot and Shoe Works, Duns 
Lane. 
Heckmondwike Boot and Shoe Works 
Batley Woollen Cloth Works. 
Leeds Clothing Factory. 
Dunston Corn Mill. 
Irlam Soap Works. 
West Hartlepool Lard Refinery. 
Middleton Preserve Works. 
Longsight Printing Works. 

Furniture Factory, Broughton, near 
Manchester. 

Shirt and Mantle Factory, Broughton. 

Clothing Factory, Broughton. 

Tobacco Factory, Manchester. 

Silvertown Corn Mill, London. 

Longton Crockery Depot. 

,, „ Showroom. 

Calais Offices. 
S.S. "Liberty." 
S.S. "Equity." 
S.S. "Federation." 
S.S. "Pioneer." 
S.S. "Progress." 



Vll. 



LIST OF 

MAPS, DIAGRAMS, CITY PLANS, PREMISES, fto. 

SCOTTISH CO-OPEKATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY. 



Following page 96. 

New Central Offices, Morrison Street, 
Glasgow. 

Paisley Road Premises, Glasgow. 

Dundas Street Premises, Glasgow. 

Clarence Street Premises, Glasgow. 

Links Place Premises, Leith. 

Thirty-one Years' Wholesale Distri- 
bution in Scotland. 



Grange Place Premises, Kilmarnock. 

Crookston Street Premises, Glasgow. 

Enniskillen Premises. 

Chancelot Roller Flour Mills, 
Edinbro'. 

Ettrick Tweed Mills, Selkirk. 

Soap Works, Grangemouth. 

Productive Works, Shieldhall, Govan, 
near Glasgow. 




VIII. 



LIST OF CONTENTS. 



PAGES. 

Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited 1 to 89 

Co-operative Union 90 ,, 92 

Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited 93 „ 142 

The Needs of Secondary Education. — By H. de B. Gibbins, 

Litt.D., M.A 143 „ 168 

Company Frauds and Parliamentary Inactivity. — By J. G. Swift 

Macneill, Q.C., M.P 169 „ 194 

The Cotton Mill Towns of New England.— By Edward Porritt. 

(Illustrated) 195 „ 222 

Association v. Competition. — By H. W. Maerosty, B.A 223 „ 252 

The Woollen Industry, Historically and Commercially Considered. 

By F. Bradbury. (Illustrated) 253 „ 284 

A Just Basis of Taxation, -By F. Verinder 285 „ 310 

For Direct Legislation.— By A. M. Thompson 311 „ 336 

The Case Against the Referendum. — By Lilian Tomn 337 „ 356 

Railway Rates and Charges.— By J. M. Knights, F.S.S 357 „ 390 

Sugar, Commercially and Botanically Considered. — By J. R. Jackson, 

A.L.S., &c. (Illustrated by John Allen) 391 „ 420 

The Roden Estate 421 „ 424 

The late Mr. J. Adams 425 „ 426 

The late Mr. Thos. Swann 427 „ 428 

Miscellaneous 429 „ 586 



IX. 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX 



Page. 



j English 

ACTS, Public, of Parliament Passed during the Session 
of 1899 

Acts of Parliament restraining exportation of Tools, 
&c, used in Cotton, Linen, Woollen,' and Silk 
Manufacture 

Accidents, Railway. Proportion of Passengers Killed 
from Causes beyond their own Control 

Adams, the late Mr. J 

Addresses, Telegraphic, List of 30 

Administrations in Present Century 

Advantages of Membership of Wholesale Societies . . 

Annual Value of Property and Profits Assessed, 1877- 
1897 

Association v. Competition. — By H. W. Macrosty .... 

Average Minimum Rate per Cent of Discount Charged 
by Bank of England 

Average Price of Consolidated Stock 

Average Retail Price of Articles of Domestic Con- 
sumption 

BANK Holidays 

,, Union of Scotland, List of Branches 

Barometer Instructions 

Batley Woollen Mill 19, 76 

Births, Marriages, and Deaths, Registers of 

Biscuits and Sweets Works 16, 66 

Bonus to Labour 

Boot and Shoe Department 55, 87 

Boot and Shoe Factory 

Bradbury, F. — The Woollen Industry 

Broughton Cabinet Factory 21, 78 

Brush Factory 

Cabinet, The 

Cabinet Workshop 

Calendar for 1900 

Cash Arrangements 



Scottish. Genera] 
.. 415 

521 

455 
425 

469 



102 



103 



140 
116 
126 



131 

128 
103 



524 
223 

452 
451 

537 



550 
525 
550 

253 



470 
551 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



English. 

Census, The Indian 

Chronology of the Wholesale Society 27 

Civil Service Supply Stores, Sales of 

Coming Events in connection with the Wholesale 

Society in 1900 26 

Committees, &c, List of 4 

Committees, Past Members of 32 

Committee, Members of, who have Died during Office 35 
Company Frauds and Parliamentary Inactivity. — By 

J. G. Swift Macneill 

Confectionery Works 

Congresses, Co-operative 

Consolidated Stock, Average Price of 

Contributions which have appeared in " The Co- 
operative Wholesale Societies' Annual" from 1885 

to 1900 

Co-operative Congresses 

„ ,, Papers read at 

Progress, 1862 to 1897 (United Kingdom) 
,, Societies each with Trade over £200,000 

per year 

„ Societies each with Trade over £100,000 

per year 

„ Societies, Summary of Law relating to . . 

,, Union : Its Principles and Constitution 



Page. 
^k. 

Scottish. 



General. 
506 

444 



97 



134 



169 

36 
451 



564 
36 
38 

423 

440 

442 
91 
90 



Co-operative Wholesale Societies : — 

Advantages of Membership 

Biscuits, Sweets, &c, Works, Crumpsall 16, 66 

Bonus to Labour 

Boot and Shoe Department 55, 87 

,, „ Factory 

Brush Factory 

Business Notices 

Cabinet Workshop 21, 78 

Chancelot Flour Mills 

Chronology 27 

Coming Events in connection with the Wholesale 

Society in 1900 26 

Committees, Auditors, and Scrutineers 4 

Committees, Past Members of 32 

Committee, Members of, who Died during Office 35 

Confectionery Works 

Corn Mill, Silvertown 13 

Corset Factorv 22 



102 

140 

116 
126 
131 
99 
128 
136 



97 



134 



XI. 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



Page. 



Co-operative Wholesale Societies : — ' """"" 

English. 

Crockery Department, Longton 82 

Drapery Department 11, 53, 87 

Dunston Corn Mill 21, 73 

Employes in Departments 7 

Ettrick Tweed Mills 

Flannel Mills 25, 81 

Furnishing Department 56, 87 

Furniture „ 

Grocery Department 52, 86 

Hosiery Factory 

Lard Refinery 25. SI 

London Branch 12. 61-64, 89 

Mantle Factory 

Newcastle Branch 11. 57-60, 88-89 

Officers and Departments 5 

Offices 1 

Preserve Works 17, 81 

Printing Workshop 23, 80 

Progress of the Wholesale Societies 50 

Shirt Factory 22 

Shoe Works, Leicester 17, 68 

„ Heckmondwike 19, 70-72 

Slop Factory 

Soap Works, Irlam and Durham 18, 74 

Tailoring Factory 20, 23, 65, 79 

Tea, Coffee, and Cocoa Department 14 

Telegraphic Addresses 30 

Telephonic Communication . - 31 

Tobacco Factory 24, 81 

Trade Terms, Conditions of Membership, &c 

Woollen Department 54, 87 

Mills, Batley 19, 76 

Corn Mill, Dunston 21, 73 

Cotton Mill Towns of New England.— By E. Porritt . 

Crockery Department 82 

Crumpsall Biscuit Works 16, 66 

Dealings with Land 

Death Duties, The 

Departments and Offices of the Wholesale Society . . 1 

„ Officers of „ „ . . 5 

„ No. of Employes in each „ 7 

,, of the Wholesale — Progress of „ . . 50 



Scottish. General. 

114 

138 
137 



118 

108-113 

130 



125 

98 
91 
133 
132 
104 
122 



124 
120 



135 
101 



94 

98 
138 
104 



195 



453 

456 



XII. 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



Page. 



English. 

Direct Legislation, For. — By A. M. Thompson 

Discount, Average Minimum Rate per Cent of 

Drapery Department 53, 87 

Dunston Corn Mill 21, 73 

Duties, Import, in the United Kingdom 

„ Stamp, Taxes, Excise 



Scottish. 



114 



General. 
311 
452 



448 
511 



Eclipses 

Education, The Needs of Secondary. — By H. de B. 

Gibbins 

Employes, Number of 

English Mile compared with other European Measures 
English Money, Table showing Sums Payable in — on 

Money Orders Issued in Foreign Countries, &c . . 
Expectation of Life 



138 



550 
143 
544 

523 

464 



Flannel mills 25, 8i 

Flour Mill 21, 73 

Foreign Currencies, Table Showing Sums Payable in — 

on Money Orders issued in the United Kingdom . . 

Foreign Moneys and their English Equivalents .... 

Furnishing Department of Wholesale Society 56, 87 

Furniture Department of Wholesale Society 



136 



118 



522 
504 



GENERAL Election, 1895, Expenses of . . . . 502 

Gibbins, H. de B. — The Needs of Secondary Education . . . . 143 

Goole Tide Table . . . . 540 

Grocery Departments, Wholesale Society 52, 86 . . 108-113 . . 



HeCKMONDWIKE Shoe Works 19, 70-72 

Holidays, Bank 

Hosiery Factory 

House of Commons — List of Members 

Professions of Members 



130 



550 

472 
501 



IMPORT Duties in the United Kingdom 

Income Tax Rates from its First Imposition 

Income and Expenditure of the United Kingdom, 
year ending March 31st, 1899 



448 
450 

447 



XIII. 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



Page. 



Indian Census, The 

Inland Book Post 

•„ Parcel Post, Posting of Parcels 

,, Parcels, Compensation for Loss and Damage of 
„ Registered Newspapers, Postage on 

Instructions, Barometer 

Introductory 



English. 


Scottish. 


General. 

. 506 
. 518 
. 519 
. 517 
. 520 
. 525 


V. 


. 96 . 





•JACKSON, John R., A.L.S. — Sugar, Commercially 
and Botanically considered 



391 



KNIGHTS, J. M.— Railway Rates and Charges 



357 



LiAND, Dealings with 

Lard Refinery, West Hartlepool 25, 84 

Law Relating to Societies, Summary of the 

Law Sittings 

Leeds Clothing Department 20, 65 

Leicester Shoe Works 17, 68 

Life, Expectation of 

Liverpool Tide Table 

London Branch 12, 61-64, 89 

Longton Crocke^ Department 82 



453 

91 
550 



464 
538 



MANTLE Factory 

Macneill, J. G. S. — Company Frauds and Parlia- 
mentary Inactivity 

Macrosty, H. W. — Association v. Competition 

Members of Committee who have Died during time of 
Office 

Membership of Wholesale Society, Advantages of ... . 

Meteorological Tables 

Mile, The English, compared with other European 
Measures 

Ministry, The Salisbury 

Moneys, Foreign, and their English Equivalents .... 



35 



125 



102 



169 
223 



528 

544 
470 
504 



Newcastle Branch 11, 57-60, 88, 89 . . 

Notices, Wholesale Society's Business . . 99 



XIV. 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



Page. 



English 
OFFICERS of the Co-operative Wholesale 5 

PARLIAMENTS of the United Kingdom 

Past Members of Committees 32 

Porritt, E— Cotton Mill Towns of New England 

Postal Information 

Preface v - 

Preserve Works 17, 84 

Presidents of the United States of America 

Price of Three per cent Consolidated Stock 

Prime Ministers since 1834 

Principal Articles of the Calendar for the Year 1900 . . 
,, Events in connection with the Wholesale 

Society 27 

Principles and Constitution of the Co-operative Union 

Printing Workshop 23, 80 

Professions of Members of the House of Commons . . 

Progress of the Wholesale Societies 50 

Progress of Co-operation (United Kingdom) 

Property and Profits — Total Annual Assessed Value . . 
Public Acts of Parliament Passed during the Session 

of 1899 

Public Income and Expenditure of the United King- 
dom for the Year ending March 31st, 1899 

QUEEN and Royal Family, The 

IIaILWAY Accidents, Proportion of Passengers 
Killed, &c 

Railway Rates and Charges.— By J. M. Knights 

Ready Reckoner and Wages Table 

Referendum, the Case against the. — By Lilian Tomn. 

Registers of Births, Marriages, and Deaths 

Remarks on the Weather 

Royal Family, The Queen and 

Rules by which the Personal Estates of Persons 
Dying Intestate are Distributed 

Rules of Division according to the Law of Scotland 
of the Movable Estate of a Person who has Died 
Intestate 

Roden Estate 

SALISBURY Ministry, The 

Scottish Wholesale Society 



Scottish. General. 



98 



96 
133 



132 
104 



469 

195 

515 



510 
451 

471 
549 



90 

501 

429 

524 

445 
447 

468 



455 
357 
548 
337 
550 
531 
468 

459 



461 
421 

470 



93-142 . 



XV. 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



Page. 



English 

Shirt Factory 22 

Shoe Works, Leicester 17, 68 

„ Heckmondwike 19, 70-72 

Silvertown Corn Mill, C.W.S 13 

Slop Factory 

Soap Works, Iiiarn and Durham 18, 74 

Societies — Co-operative, each with Trade over £200,000 

per year 

Societies — Co-operative, each with Trade over £100,000 

per year 

Stamp, &c, Duties 

Statistics of Co-operative Wholesale Society 49 

Sweets Works, Crurnpsall 16, 66 

Sugar, Commercially and Botanically Considered. — 

By J. R. Jackson 

Swann, the late Mr. Thos 



Scottish. General. 
122 



124 



440 

442 
511 



391 

427 



1 ABLE Showing Sums Payable in Foreign Currencies 

on Money Orders Issued in United Kingdom .... 
Table Showing Sums Payable in English Money on 

Money Orders Issued in Foreign Countries, &c. . . 
Table Showing the Number of Days between any Two 

Dates 

Table Showing Number of Days from any Day of one 

Month to same Day of any other Month 

Tailoring Factory 20, 23, 65, 79 

Taxation, a Just Basi,s of. — By F. Yerinder 

Tea and Coffee Department of Wholesale Society .... 14 

Telegraphic Addresses 30 

Telephone Numbers 31 

Terms and Abbreviations Commonly Used in Business 
Terms and Conditions of Membership of Wholesale 

Society 

Thompson, A. M. — For Direct Legislation 

Tomn, Lilian. — The Case against the Referendum . . 

Tide Table, Liverpool 

„ Goole 

Time all over the World 

Tobacco Factory 24, 81 

UNION Bank of Scotland, List of Branches 

„ Co-operative, its Principles and an Account of 
United Kingdom, the Public Income and Expenditure, 

year ending March 31st, 1899 



120 



101 



135 



103 



522 
523 
568 
545 
285 

546 



311 
337 
538 
540 
524 



90 
447 



XVI. 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



Page. 



United .Kingdom, Co-operative Progress in the years 

1862-97 

United Kingdom, Import Duties in the 

„ „ Parliaments of the 

„ States, Presidents of 



English. Scottish. General. 

. . 429 

. . 448 

. . 469 

. . 510 



Y 



ERINDER, P.— A Just Basis of Taxation 



285 



A\ AGES Table and Ready Reckoner 

Weather, Remarks on the 

Weights and Measures 

West Hartlepool Lard Refinery 25, 84 

Wholesale Society 1-89 

Woollen Cloth Department 54, 87 

,, Industry. — By F. Bradbury 

Mill, Batley 19, 76 



93-142 



548 
531 
547 



253 




THIRTY-SIX YEARS' PROGRESS 



OF THE 



CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETIES 



IN THE 



UNITED KINGDOM, 



FROM 



1862 to 1897. 



THIETY-SIX YEAKS' PEOGEESS 



OF 



€a-apttatibt %>amtm in tlft Waxiltt 1iitt0&0tn. 



«$$-•■ • •••••• 

Sales. 
Years. £ 

1862 2,333,523 

1863 2,673,778 

1864 2,&36,606 

1865 3,373,847 

1866 4,462,676 

1867 6,001,153 

1868 7,122,360 

1869 7,353,363 

1870 8,201,685 

1871 9,463,771 

1872 13,012,120 

1873 15,639,714 

1874 16,374,053 

1875 18,499,901 

1876 19,921,054 

1877 21,390,447 

1878 21,402,219 

1879 20,382,772 

Total Sales in the Thirty-six Years, 
1862 to 1897. 

Total Profits in the Thirty-six) 
Years, 1862 to 1897. 



■HS»- 





Sales. 


Years. 


£ 


1880 ... 


... 23,248,314 


1881 ... 


... 24,945,063 


1882 ... 


... 27,541,212 


1883 ... 


... 29,336,028 


1884 ... 


... 30,424,101 


1885 ... 


... 31,305,910 


1886 ... 


... 32,730,745 


1887 ... 


... 34,483,771 


1888 ... 


... 37,793,903 


1889 ... 


... 40,674,673 


1890 ... 


... 43,731,669 


1891 ... 


... 49,024,171 


1892 ... 


... 51,060,854 


1893 ... 


... 51,803,836 


1894 ... 


... 52,110,800 


1895 ... 


... 55,100,249 


1896 ... 


... 59,951,635 


1897 ... 


... 64,956,049 



£940,668,025. 
84,601,452. 



STATISTICAL POSITION OF CO-OPEKATIVE SOCIETIES 
IN THE UNITED KINGDOM, 

December 31st, 1897. 

Compiled from the Returns made by Societies to the Registrar and 
Co-operative Union. 



Number of Members 

Share Capital 

Loan Capital 

Sales for 1897. 

Net Profits for 1897 
Devoted to Education, 1897 



1,627,135 



19,510,007 
9,137,077 

64,956,049 

6,535,861 

50,302 



THIRTY-SIX YEARS' 

PROGRESS 

OF 

CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETIES 

IN THE 

I SITED KINGDOM. 



MILLIONS 



I 



.III 

n i i i 
i i i i i i 

i i i i i i i 



pi 1 1 

■ i i i i i 
i i i 

I ! I I I I 
] l I I I 

Mill 

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ri 



1 



1 I I I 
1 I I 

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2|3|4J5J6|7l8l9l90i 1 1 g j 3 ; 4- 1 5[ 6 1 7 



THIRTY-FIVE YEARS' PROGRESS 



OF THE 



Co-operative Wholesale Society 



LIMITED, 



FROM 



1864 to 1898 



THIKTY-FIVE YEAKS' PROGKESS 


OF THE 


Co-operatik tftbotassb ^otittji limiteft. 


Sales. 


Sales. 


Years. £ 


Years. & 


1864 ( w * ks ) 51,857 


1882 4,038,238 


1865 120,754 


1883 4,546,889 


1866 175,489 


1884 ( w f eks ) 4,675,371 


1867 (,&.) 331,744 


1885 4,793,151 


1868 412,240 


1886 5,223,179 


1869 507,217 


1887 5,713,235 


1870 ( We 5 * kB ) 677,734 


1888 6,200,074 


1871 758,764 


1889( w f ek9 ) 7,028,944 


1872 1,153,132 


1890 7,429,073 


1873 1,636,950 


1891 8,766,430 


1874 1,964,829 


1892 9,300,904 


1875 2,247,395 


1893 9,526,167 


1876 ( w £ k8 ) 2,697,366 


1894 9,443,938 


1877 2,827,052 


1895 ( W »J 10,141,917 


1878 2,705,625 


1896 11,115,056 


1879 ( w ? ekB ) 2,645,331 


1897 11,920,143 


1880 3,339,681 


1898 12,574,748 


1881 3,574,095 




Total Sales in the Thirty-five) &4£&f\ ocin rr4t% 

Years, 1864 to 1898. } '" *1DU,Z04,/1Z. 


Total Profits in the Thirty-five) /\q cqq 
Years, 1864 to 1898. J "' A^OT,0«J. 


STATISTICAL POSITION OF THE CO-OPEEATIVE 


WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED, 


December 24th, 1898. 


Number of Societies holding Shares 1,063 


Number of Members belonging to Shareholders, 1,118,158 £ 


Share Capital (Paid up).. 775,536 


Loans and Deposits 1,297,182 


Eeserve Fund— Trade and Bank 152,460 


Insurance Fund -. 382,620 


Sales for the Year 1898 12,574,748 


Net Profits for Year 1898 231,256 

1 , - 






Business 



<£ $> + c^ 

Premises 



<# 



Owned by the 

Co-operative 
Wholesale + 
Society + + + 

Limited. 



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LONDON BACON STOVES, 118 Leman Street. 




DEPOT AND SALEROOM, Guildhall Road, Northampton. 




CARDIFF SALEROOM. 




111. 



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CALAIS OFFICES. 







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[vi.] 



THE 



e-eperaliue §§lj>elesale Redely 



LIMITED. 



Enrolled August 11th, 1863, under the Provisions of the Industrial and Provident 
Societies Act, 25 and 26 Vict., cap. 87, sec. 15, 1862. 



BUSINESS COMMENCED MAECH 14th, 1864. 



SHARES, £5 EACH, TRANSFERABLE. 

Central ©fftces, ;fi3ank t (Srocer^ ano provision, ant) 
asoot ano Sboe *UIlarebonses : 

BALLOON STREET, MANCHESTER, 



2>raperg Warehouses : 

DANTZIC STREET, MANCHESTER, 



Woollen Clotb ano IReao^maoes Warehouse : 

CORPORATION ST., MANCHESTER 



jfurntebing Warehouse : 
HOLGATE STREET, MANCHESTER 



branches : 

WATERLOO STREET, NEWC ASTLE-ON-T YNE, 



AND 



LEMAN STREET, LONDON, E 



depots anfc Salerooms: 

LEEDS, HUDDERSFIELD, NOTTINGHAM, BLACKBURN, 
AND BIRMINGHAM. 



purcbasing anfc forwarding iDepots. 

£n($Iafti): 

LIVERPOOL, BRISTOL, LONGTON, GOOLE, GARSTON, CARDIFF, 

AND NORTHAMPTON. 

5relanfc: 

CORK, LIMERICK, TRALEE ; AND ARMAGH. 

Smerica: new york. Denmark: copenhagan, 

AARHUS, ODENSE. 

Canafca: Montreal. (Bermaivg: Hamburg. 

prance: Calais and rouen. Swefcen: Gothenburg. 
Australia: Sydney. Spain: denia. 



ABINGTON. 

ANNACARTY. 

AUGHADOWN. 

BALLINLOUGH. 

BALLYBRICKEN. 

BALLYDWYER. 

BALLYFINANE. 

BILBOA. 

BOHERBUE. 

BUNKAY BRIDGE. 

CASTLEMAHON. 

C( )ACHFORD. 



Jrisb dreameries: 

CUTTEEN. 

DEVON ROAD. 

DICKSGROVE. 

DINGLE. 

DROMCLOUGH. 

DUNGRUD. 

EFFIN. 

FEALE BRIDGE. 

GLEN MORE. 

GREENANE. 

GREYBRIDGE. 

HOLLYFORD. 

With numerous Auxiliaries. 



KILCOMMON. 
KILMIHILL. 
LIXNAW. 
MORNING STAR 

(GoiOlANSTOWX). 

MOUNT COLLINS. 

OOLA. 

RATHMOBE. 

SMERLA BRIDGE. 
STRADBALLY. 
TARMON. 
TRALEE. 



productive Merles. 



biscuits and Sweets lUorfcs: 

CRUMPSALL, xeai; MANCHESTER 
JBoot ano Sboe lUorfcs: 

LEICESTER & HECKMONDWIKE. 

Soap anD Canele XUorfcs: 

IRLAM. 

Woollen Clotb morns: 

LIVINGSTONE MILL, BATLEY. 

1Reao\?*/ifcaoes XUorfcs: 

HOLBECK, LEEDS. AND 
BROUGHTON, MANCHESTER. 

Cocoa ano Gboeolate lUorfcs: 

116, LEMAN STREET, LONDON. 

Corn Aills: 
DUNSTON-ON-TYNE. 

SILVERTOWN. LONDON. 



furniture factory: 

BROUGHTON, MANCHESTER. 

printing Morns: 

LONGSIGHT. MANCHESTER. 

preserve ano flMcRlc lUorfcs: 

MIDDLETON JUNCTION. 

Sbirts, Aantles, 

"Unocrclctbincj, ano Corsets: 

BROUGHTON. MANCHESTER. 

3LarO TRefincrv?: 

WEST HARTLEPOOL. 

(Tobacco factors: 

SHARP STREET, MANCHESTER. 

flannel tfactorg: 

HARE HILL MILLS, LITTLEBORO' 



Shipowners anfc Shippers 

BETWEEN 

GARSTON AND ROUEN; GOOLE AND CALAIS; GOOLE AND 
HAMBURG; MANCHESTER AND ROUEN. 



Steamships Ownefc bg the Society: 

LIBERTY." "EQUITY.- "FEDERATION." "PIONEER," 

"PROGRESS." "DINAH." "BRITON." 



Standing Hoeneies: 



THE MANCHESTER AND COUNTY BANK LIMITED. 

THE LONDON AND COUNTY BANK LIMITED. 

THE NATIONAL PROVINCIAL BANK OF ENGLAND LIMITED. 

THE MANCHESTER AND LIVERPOOL DISTRICT BANK LIMITED. 

THE LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE BANK LIMITED. 

THE UNION BANK OF MANCHESTER LIMITED. 
THE LONDON AND MIDLAND BANK LIMITED. 



General Committee. 



Cbairman : 

Mr. JOHN SHILLITO, 
17, Cavendish Terrace, Halifax. 



IDice^Cbairman: 

Mr. THOMAS BLAND, 
Rashcliffe, Huddersfield. 



Mr. WILLIAM BATES Green Lane, Patricroft. 

Mr. JAMES FAIRCLOUGH 33, Sackville Street, Barnsley. 

Mr. E. GRINDROD 13, Holker Street, Keighley. 

Mr. THOMAS HIND 53, St. Peter's Road, Leicester. 

Mr. R. HOLT 84, Tweedale Street, Rochdale. 

Mr. THOMAS KILLON 45, Heywood Street, Bury. 

Mr. WILLIAM LANDER 155, Escrick Street, Halliwell, Bolton. 

Mr. JOHN LORD 19, Tremellen Street, Accrington. 

Mr. T. E. MOORHOUSE Reporter Office, Delph. 

Mr. ALFRED NORTH Mount Pleasant, Batley. 

Mr. H. C. PINGSTONE Yew Bank, Brook Road, Heaton Chapel. 

Mr. A. SCOTTON Avondale House, New Norman ton, Derby. 

Mr. G. THORPE 14, Thornfield, Saville Town, Dewsbury. 

Mr. D. Mc.IXNES 63, Portland Street, Lincoln. 



IRewcastle Brancb Committee. 

Chairman : Mr. T. TWEDDELL, Hutton Avenue, West Hartlepool. 

Vice-Chairman: Mr. THOS. SHOTTON, Summerhill, Shotley Bridge, 
Durham. 

Secretary: Mr. ROBERT GIBSON, 120, Sidney Grove, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

Mr. GEORGE BINNEY 73. Atherton Street East, Durham. 

Mr. W. D. GRAHAM 123, Bedeburn Road, Jarrow-on-Tyne. 

Mr. ROBERT IRVING Woodrouffe Terrace, Carlisle. 

Mr. THOMAS RULE 20, Ravensworth Terrace, Bensham, Gateshead. 

Mr. WILLIAM STOKER Seaton Delaval, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 



Xonfcon JBrancb Committee- 

Chairman: Mr. GEO. HAWKINS, 53, Kingston Road, Oxford. 

Vice-Chairman : Mr. GEO. SUTHERLAND, 41, Taylor Street, Woolwich, S.E. 

Secretary: Mr. HENRY PUMPHREY, Paddock Terrace, Lewes. 

Mr. JOSEPH CLAY Stratton Road, Gloucester. 

Mr. H. ELSE Y Bickleigh, Festing Grove, Festing Road, Southsea. 

Mr. J. F. GOODEY New Town Lodge, Colchester. 

Mr. GEORGE HINES North Bank, Belstead Road, Ipswich. 

Mr. R. H. TUTT 134, Braybrook Road, Hastings. 



Scrutineers : 

Mr. F. HARDERN, Oldham. I Mr. J. J. BARSTOW, Dewsbury. 



Hufcitors : 



Mr. THOS. J. BAYLIS, Masborough. 
Mr. THOMAS WOOD, Manchester. 



Mr. JAMES E. LORD, Rochdale. 
Mr. ISAAC HAIGH, Barnsley. 



Officers of tbe Society. 

Secretary and accountant : J6ank Aanaget ant) Casbter : 

Mr. THOMAS BRODRICK. Mr. JOHN HOLDER. 

Buyers, Salesmen, &c. 

/Ifcancbester— Grocery ano provisions: 

Mr. THOMAS PEARSON. Mr. A. W. LOBB. 

Mr. JAS. MASTIN. Mr. WILLIAM WROOT. 

Mr. H. WIGGINS. 

/Ifcancbester— Drapers : 

Mr. J. MEADOWCROFT. Mr. JOHN SHARROCKS. 

Mr. WILLIAM T. ALLITT. Mr. JOHN T. OGDEN. 

dfcancbester— TOoolleiw, JSoots, ano furniture: 

Woollens and Readv-mades Mr. W. GIBSON. 

Boots and Shoes . /. Mr. HENRY JACKSON. 

Furniture Mr. T. R. ALLEN. 

Sbtppincj Department : 

General Manager Mr. CHAS. R. CAMERON. 

Shipping ano tforwaroing Depots: 

Rouen (France) Mr. JAMES MARQUIS. 

Goole . Mr. W. J. SCHOFIELD. 

Calais Mr. WILLIAM HURT. 

Tea, Coffee, and Cocoa Mr. CHARLES FIELDING. 

^Liverpool : 

Grocery and Provisions Mr. J. T. HOLBROOK. 

Salerooms : 

Leeds Mr. JOSEPH HOLDEN. 

Nottingham Mr. A. DELVES. 

Huddersfield Mr. J. O'BRIEN. 

Birmingham Mr. W. AMOS. 

Northampton Mr. A. BAKER. 

Cardiff Mr. JAS. F. JAMES. 

Blackburn Mr. H. SHELMERDINE. 

Xoiuiton : 

Crockery Depot Mr. J. RHODES. 

IRewcastle: 

Grocery and Provisions Mr. ROBT. WILKINSON. 

Mr. T. WEATHERSON. 

Drugs, Drvsalterv, &c Mr. R. A. WALLIS. 

Paper, Twine, &c. Mr. H. GLENNY. 

Drapei-v Mr. JOHN MACKENZIE. 

Boots and Shoes Mr. O. JACKSON. 

Furniture and Hardware Mr. J. W. TAYLOR. 

Chief Clerk Mr. H. R. BAILEY. 



6 



Buyers, Salesmen, &c. 

TLonoon : 

Grocery and Provisions Mr. BENJAMIN JONES. 

Mr. WM. OPENSHA W. 

Drapery Mr. F. G. WADDINGTON. 

Woollens and Readv-mades Mr. GEORGE HAY. 

Boots and Shoes Mr. ALFRED PARTRIDGE. 

Furnishing Mr. F. LINT;. 

Chief Clerk Mr. WILLIAM STRAWN. 


Bristol Depot: 

Mr. J. W. JUSTHAM. 


Jrisb Brancbes— Butter anfc JEqqs. 

Cork : Ximericfc : 

Mr. JAMES TURNBULL. Mr. WILLIAM L. STOKES. 


tlralee : 

Mr. JAMES DAWSON. 


Brmacjb : 

Mr. J. HOLLAND. 


Colonial anfc foreign S)epots : 


1ttew JiJork (Hmerica): 

Mr. JOHN GLEDHILL. 


Montreal (Canaoa) : 

Mr. A. 0. WI ELAND. 


Copenbacjen (Denmark) : 

Mr. J. HALPIN. 


Ibambiira ((Bermanv?) : 

Mr. WM. DILWORTH. 


Barbns (Denmark) : 

Mr. H. J. W. MADSEN. 


(Sotbenbura (Sweoen) : 

Mr. H. C. K. PETERSEN. 


Seduce (Hustralia): 

Mr. R. J. FAIRBAIRN. 


Iprofcuctive ' 

Xower CrumpsaU 
biscuit, Sic, *Uilorks: 

Mr. GEORGE BRILL. 


IMovfes, &c: 

JBronabton (/ifcancbester) Cabinet 
tfactorp. : 

Mr. J. HOLDING. 


Leicester JGoot and Sboe lUorks : 

Mr. JOHN BUTCHER. 


3rlam Soap tUorks: 

Mr. J. E. GREEN. 


Ibeckmonowike JGoot ano 
Shoe lUorks: 


TLeeos IRcaoE-jflftaoes lUorks: 

Mr. WILLIAM UTTLEY. 


Mr. J. YORKE. 

Katies tUoollen Clotb lUorks : 

Mr. S. BOOTHROYD. 


36ronc?bton Clotbing tfacton?: 

Mr. A. GRIERSON. 


SHmston Corn Mill: 

Mr. TOM PARKINSON. 


lUest Ibartlepool Xaro tfacton?: 

Mr. W. HOLLAND. 


/llMooleton function {preserve XUorks: 

Mr. A. J. CLEMENTS. 


flannel tfactor^: 


printing Department : 


Mr. W. H. GREENWOOD. 


Mr. G. BREARLEY. 


tobacco tfactorv: 


;J6nUotn<3 Department : 


Mr. J. C. CRAGG. 


Mr. P. HEYHURST. 


Brcbitcct : 

Mr. F. E. L. HARRIS. 



Employes- 



NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, SEPTEMBEE, 1899. 

Distributive Departments. Collective 

Totals. 
General, Drapery, Boot and Shoe, and Furnishing Offices.. Manchester 370 

Cashier's Office „ 25 

Grocery Department ,, 209 

Stationery „ ,, 6 

Drapery „ „ 124 

Woollen Cloth Department „ 29 

Boot and Shoe „ „ 38 

Furnishing „ ,, 71 

Shipping „ „ 8 

Building „ „ 170 

Dining-room ,, „ 11 

Other „ „ 38 



Branches. 

Newcastle 456 

„ Productive Department 284 

,, Building „ 121 

London (Office and Departments) 337 

,, Bacon, Bakery, Packing, and Pickling 70 

,, Tailoring 70 

,, Brush, Bedding, and Upholstery and Polishing 51 

,, Building 165 

Tea 348 

„ Coffee and Cocoa 93 

Stahles • 26 



1,099 



861 



Depots. 

Bristol 72 

Cardiff 11 

Northampton 14 



1,160 



97 



Purchasing Depots. 

Liverpool Branch — Grocery and Shipping 35 

Longton Crockery 36 

Irish Branches 79 

Creameries 305 



455 



Foreign Purchasing Depots. 

New York 6 

Montreal 3 

Copenhagen 16 

Hamburg 5 

Aarhus 9 

Gothenburg 10 

Odense 5 

Denia , 2 

Sydney 4 



60 



Carried forward 3,732 



8 



NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, SEPTEMBEE, 1899. 



Collective 
Totals. 

Brought forward 3,732 

Salerooms. 

Leeds 4 

Nottingham 2 

Birmingham 1 

Huddersfield 1 

8 

Shipping Offices. 

Goole 17 

Garston 1 

Rouen 6 

Calais 9 

33 

Steamships. 

" Pioneer " 14 

" Progress " 13 

" Federation " 18 

" Equity " 19 

" Liberty " 19 

" Briton " 4 

" Dinah " 4 

91 

Productive Works. 

Crumpsall Biscuit Works 375 

Middleton Junction Preserve Works 302 

Leicester Shoe Works, Knighton Fields 1,903 

„ ,, Duns Lane 514 

Enderby 102 

Heckmondwike Shoe Works 360 

„ Currying Department 50 

Irlam Soap Works 300 

Batley Woollen Mill 155 

Leeds Ready-Mades 474 

Dunston Corn Mill 172 

West Hartlepool Lard Refinery 35 

Broughton Cabinet Factory 118 

Tailoring „ 398 

Shirt „ 96 

„ Mantle „ 51 

„ Underclothing Factory 51 

, , Broughton Corsets 57 

Manchester Printing Department 350 

Tobacco Factory 238 

Littleborough Flannel Factory 75 

6,176 

Roden Estate 30 

Total 10,070 



Cbe Cooperative Wholesale Societp 

CimitecL 



XU> 'Al^0^ j LTHOUGH the Wholesale Society has been in exist- 
f/" fj^Jk -J^\ ence over thirty-six years, there still remains con- 
\p/ /;^ VdlJ siderable ignorance of its origin, aims, and methods, 
MsmUl^Wffi even amongst those who should he first in the 
^^^^^^^ possession of this knowledge. It is with the object 
of providing such information that this article is 
inserted, in order that the extent of the Wholesale's work may be 
better understood. 

Even during a century unequalled for advance of knowledge and 
scientific discovery, the establishment of the Wholesale and its 
rapid growth constitute an achievement unique in the annals of 
working-class enterprise. 

Commencing in 1863 in an obscure office in Manchester, it has 
developed with such an astonishing vigour that it is true of the 
activities of the Wholesale that on them the sun never sets. 

It will not be deemed out of place if we remind our readers of 
the relation which unites the interest of the individual Co-operator 
with that of the Wholesale Society, and the statement may also 
serve to remove the misconceptions frequently met with as to the 
constitution and ownership of this gigantic business. 

The member of a retail society has at least no difficulty in 
denning his position with regard to the store. He, in association 
with others, has subscribed capital, in the form of shares and loans, 
with which the business is carried on. The profits, after meeting 
the necessary trade expenses, are then divided according to the 
amount spent during the quarter or half year. 

The federation of societies forming the Co-operative Wholesale 
Society is simply an extension of this same principle. These 
societies take up shares in proportion to the number of their 
members, and with these, added to the amounts invested as loans, 
the C.W T .S. performs the wholesale function, in the same way as 
the retail societies provide for their members. The profits in like 
manner revert to those who create them. There are no private 
shareholders, the rules prohibit the admission of any but bond-fide 
registered Co-operative Societies. The constitution of the Whole- 
sale is thoroughly democratic. The Committee are elected by the 
shareholding societies, and any member of such a society is eligible 



10 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 



as a candidate. The questions concerning the business are dealt 
with at the quarterly meetings, which are attended by delegates 
sent in proportion to the number of members in the respective 
societies. 

It is hoped that this brief recapitulation will tend to a clearer 
understanding of the dependence of the C.W.S. on the loyalty of 
individual Co-operators, and stimulate their support of an institu- 
tion peculiarly and absolutely their own. 

In 1869 the C.W.S. took possession of the warehouse in Balloon 
Street, destined to become its permanent centre. 

The premises at that time were of modest extent, covering 
about 230 square yards. At the time when the removal was con- 
templated some of the timid spirits doubted the wisdom of taking 
so spacious a building, but thought the portion not needed could 
be let to advantage. These misgivings, however, speedily proved 
groundless, for extensions and alterations have been constantly in 
hand from the very commencement of business. 

The sales for this year, 1869, were £507,217, and have increased 
by leaps and bounds until in 1898 the enormous total of over 
£12,500,000 was reached. 

By 1871 the trade in the Newcastle district had grown to such 
an extent that the Committee felt justified in establishing a branch 
in Newcastle, and subsequent events have proved the wisdom of 
the step. 

The London Branch was opened in 1874, and has developed in 
many directions. 

Further information respecting the Newcastle and London 
Branches will be found on other pages. 

Although the space covered by the warehouses is so great, only 
a fraction of the goods sold passes through them, as in the cases of 
large consignments the goods are sent from the works, or, in the 
case of imports, from the port of landing. The Society has 
purchasing and forwarding depots at Liverpool, Bristol, Goole, 
Garston, Cardiff, and Northampton. 

A depot was opened in 1886 at Longton, in Staffordshire, for the 
selection and purchase of earthenware suitable for the C.W.S. 
trade, and several enlargements have been made to accommodate 
the business. 

In order to meet the convenience of widely scattered societies — 
those which lay wide apart from the various business centres — 
depots and salerooms have been established at Leeds, Blackburn, 
Nottingham, Huddersfield, and Birmingham. 

The growth of the W Wholesale's trade in Continental produce led 
to the Society embarking in the shipping trade. A small vessel 
was purchased in 1876, which sailed between Goole and Calais, 



11 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

taking out coal and English manufactures, and bringing back 
French produce. In 1879 the steamship "Pioneer" was built for 
the purpose of running between Garston (Liverpool) and Eouen, 
and in a few years afterwards the Goole and Hamburg service of 
steamers was established. The Society now owns a fleet of seven 
steamers, which bear the following names: "Pioneer," "Progress," 
"Equity." "Federation." "Liberty." "Dinah," and "Briton." 
Their total cost has exceeded £78,000, but, like other properties of 
the Society, they have been liberally depreciated, and now stand as 
nil in the books of the Society — their total cost having been entirely 
written off by depreciation. 

Buyers are located at Copenhagen, Odense, Gothenburg, Aarhus, 
and Hamburg, who purchase and superintend the despatch of the 
enormous shipments of butter and other produce sold to societies. 
The annual shipments of butter alone by the C.W.S. from these 
ports exceed £1,900.000. 

There are also buyers at Xew York, Montreal, Sydney, and 
Denia ( Spain i. 

DRAPERY DEPARTMENT. 

The trade in this department in 1875 was £71.290. and included 
the Woollens and Ready-mades Department. The sales during 
1898 were £481,136 for drapery, and for woollens, Ac. £114.121. 

The block of buildings has been entirely reconstructed and 
enlarged, but in 1897 the Woollens and Ready-mades had to be 
accommodated with an entire warehouse situated in Corporation 
Street. 

The vagaries of fashion are under constant survey by the buyers, 
and in every room, from floor to ceiling, are stocked all the variety 
of goods that are destined to render shopping at the stores such an 
attractive occupation. 

As the seasons follow in quick succession, the coming of each is 
preceded by special displays of materials of utility and ornament in 
which our sisters, cousins, and aunts may be arrayed. 

Here also may be seen the productions of the C.W.S. Shirt, 
Underclothing, Corset, and Mantle Factories, to which further 
reference will be made later. 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE BRANCH. 

This branch, which commenced operations in a small way in 
the year 1872, has increased in its business and developed to such 
an extent that the sales for the year ending December, 1898, 
amounted to no less than £2.8-47.482. Commencing its business 
in Pudding Chare, Newcastle, new blocks of buildings have, from 
time to time, been erected in Thornton and Waterloo Streets, 
wherein the Grocery and Provision, Draper}'. Furnishing, and 



12 




Boot and Shoe Departments have been carried on, and, to cope 
successfully with the ever-increasing trade, a handsome block of 
warehouses has recently been erected in West Blandford Street, 
the branch in all its departments employing over 680 hands. 

Land has been acquired on the Newcastle Quay on which to 
build a large warehouse, and in addition the Society has recently 
secured nearly four acres of land at Pelaw (some five miles from 
Newcastle), where it is intended to remove some of the existing 
productive departments in order to make additional room for the 
various distributive departments, which, notwithstanding the large 
spaces already at their disposal, are so much hampered in the 
carrying on of their respective trades. At Pelaw it is proposed to 
manufacture ready-made clothing and furniture, and to pack all 
kinds of drug and drysaltery goods. To these also it is contem- 
plated to add other productions, and the buildings of both of the 
last -mentioned places are to be commenced at once. 

THE LONDON BRANCH 

was commenced in 1874, and has proved of great service in 
developing and encouraging the southern societies. Co-operation 
in the metropolis has not been a plant of robust growth, and it 
has called forth the most assiduous attention of those who have 
endeavoured to plant it in a soil somewhat uncongenial. 

At first only a modest trade was done, the sales in 1876 
amounting to £130,752, but in 1884 they had increased to £424,794. 
The premises originally occupied had to be extended, and in 1885 
the Society commenced the present building. 

The structure is not only of a handsome character, but it is 
furnished with every means for dealing with the ever-increasing 
business promptly and efficiently, the total covering 18,000ft. 

The opening of this new building in 1887 apparently gave an 
additional and vigorous impetus to the work of the G.W.S. in the 
South, for in 1891 the trade of the branch reached over a million 
and a quarter for the year. Since then steady progress has been 
maintained, and in 1898 the sales realised £2,000,000. 

The London Branch stands in a thickly-populated neighbour- 
hood. It forms a striking contrast to the mean and squalid 
surroundings, and stands a prominent and beautiful illustration 
of the beneficent influence exerted by Co-operation in a city 
dominated by competition. 

The main buildings are surrounded by several others belonging 
to the Wholesale, which are devoted to various forms of produc- 
tion and other purposes needed for the London Branch. The 
Bacon-smoking Department is in a large building almost opposite 
the main one, and here some 2,000 sides of bacon, with hams and 



13 



THE CO-OPEKATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

other articles, are regularly turned out each week. There is also a 
large department devoted to the production and packing of various 
specialities, in which some eighty of the staff find employment. At 
the Brush Works, in another building, all kinds of brooms and 
brushes are made, from the best hair to the common scrub, the 
greater part of the material being imported direct. In the Bedding 
Works all kinds of bedding are produced, including hair, flock, and 
feather beds and pillows, palliasses and cushions, whilst in the 
Upholstery Department an increasing business is being done, suites 
being covered in silk, plush, velvet, and various other materials. 
There is also a French Polishing Department attached to this 
portion of the business, where the greater portion of the furniture 
dealt in by the London Branch is finished. Within a few minutes' 
walk of Leman Street, situated in Wellclose Square, is a Tailoring 
Factory, where about seventy employes find regular employment 
in splendid workrooms, the goods being produced under the best 
possible conditions, and under, we believe, the best scale of payment 
in London. 

The labours of the C.W.S. here have not been limited strictlv 
to wholesale distribution. The difficulties attending propaganda 
work amongst the Londoners are recognised to be great, and 
special efforts have been made to establish societies in the city by 
advice and pecuniary assistance rendered under such conditions 
as will not undermine the independence of the people whom it is 
sought to benefit. 

A depot was commenced at Bristol in 1884 for the convenience 
of societies in that locality, and since its establishment it has 
rendered valuable service in founding and promoting the interests 
of many retail societies. 

There is also a depot in Cardiff, which is doing most useful 
work amongst the societies in South Wales ; also one in Northamp- 
ton, which is very much appreciated by the societies in that 
district. Each one of these three depots is found to be too small 
for the work it has to do, and arrangements are rapidly being 
completed for extensions. 

SILVERTOWN MILL, LONDON. 

Silvertown, the district in which the second flour mill of the 
C.W.S. is now in course of erection, is situated a few miles below 
London, on the north bank of the Thames, nearly opposite the 
town of Woolwich. 

The site purchased for this and other purposes adjoins the 
Great Eastern Railway, from which sidings are brought right up 
to the mill. It has a frontage to the river of 330 feet, throughout 
the entire length of which vessels can be safelv berthed. 



14 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

The building is designed to receive a plant capable of producing 
24 sacks of flour per hour nominal, and the machinery will be of 
the very latest type, every advantage having been taken of all 
recent improvements likely to increase the efficiency of the mill or 
economy in its working. 

THE TEA DEPARTMENT. 

During the earlier years of the Wholesale the tea trade was in 
the hands of a representative in London, but in 1882 it was 
considered that circumstances would justify the establishment of a 
Tea Department, and the Scottish Wholesale Society was invited 
to join in the enterprise. After due consideration the two Societies 
commenced their joint venture in a warehouse in Rupert Street. 
The staff comprised four warehousemen and six boys. A reputa- 
tion was at once established for Co-operative teas, and during the 
last two months of 1882 the sales showed an increase of £10,049 
above those of the corresponding period of 1881. This success 
continued year after year; more space was acquired, and yet still 
more demanded, until after many vicissitudes the department 
found a home in the magnificent warehouse situated opposite the 
London Branch. 

This was opened in March, 1897, and is admirably suited to its 
purpose. The basement not only lies below the whole area of the 
ground floor, but it also undermines the streets at the front and 
side no inconsiderable distance. 

An interesting feature in this model tea warehouse is the 
application of the electric motor, of which there are five in number, 
driving four blending machines of various dimensions, taking from 
8001bs. to 2 tons of tea at one operation. 

Another feature is the adaptation of very ingenious weighing 
and packing machines, also driven by electricity, which do away 
with any necessity of the tea being touched by hand, weighing each 
packet to a leaf. 

The salerooms are fitted up with mahogany counters, used for 
setting out samples of every lot of tea in the daily public auctions, 
that they may be examined and tasted, and also for making and 
testing blends, of which there are close upon 1,000, suited to every 
particular water, and still more particular palate in the United 
Kingdom. Underneath these counters are drawers containing 
upwards of 13,000 small tin boxes, used for keeping records of 
every blend made up, and also for the reception of samples of each 
parcel of tea purchased or lot imported into the country and put 
up for public auction, the latter sometimes numbering from 800 to 
1,000 in one day. 



15 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

Other rooms are devoted to roasting and testing samples of 
coffee and cocoa. 

The total value of supplies from this department during 1898 
was £753.132, including tea, coffee, and cocoa, the weight being 
10,176,8991bs. tea, l,625,3441bs. coffee, and 600,5441bs. cocoa. 

COCOA AND CHOCOLATE WORKS. 

Of late years cocoa has shared with soap the position of the 
most extensively boomed articles of domestic use. One cannot 
escape from the announcements of the virtues of one or another 
maker's cocoa. In addition to the usual displayed advertisement, 
the unwary reader is beguiled into perusing paragraphs with 
innocent or startling headlines, only to find that the remedy for 
life's ills is Somebody's cocoa. Xot content to supply the public 
with a beverage pure and simple, ingenuity combines ingredients 
of wondrous virtue, which, according to the maker's account, form 
a veritable elixir of life, but which is solemnly denounced by the 
rival makers as an injurious and objectionable mixture. 

There can be little doubt that, say, nine or ten of the leading 
makers spend probably £200,000 per annum in advertising; and 
this charge ultimately falls on the consumers, amongst whom are 
Co-operators, who, owning a cocoa factory of their own, are 
content to help in paying this amount away for practically nothing, 
instead of supporting their own works and securing the profits 
themselves. 

The C.W. S. started the manufacture of cocoa in 1887, and 
has succeeded in turning out a really excellent article. The 
concentrated extract and the cocoa essence, especially, are to the 
unprejudiced palate not beaten anywhere ; in proof of this the sales 
are increasing so rapidly that plans are now being prepared for a 
model factory, which will be capable of keeping pace with the 
enhanced trade. 

The value of supplies during 1898 was £21,400, an amount 
that would soon be increased tenfold if those whose capital pro- 
vides the means for maintaining the factory realised how their 
interests are involved in its prosperity. 

THE IRISH BRANCHES. 

The Wholesale Society, although it only commenced business 
in 1864, had by 1866 already established a depot in Ireland, at 
Tipperary, for the direct purchase of Irish produce. Here we 
have a typical instance of, the Society's recognised policv — 
expressed in its earliest days — not only to eliminate the middleman 
but to go direct to the producer, and so protect the constituent 
societies the more fullv against adulteration and fraud. 



16 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

The policy of direct purchasing depots proved so successful 
that other depots were very soon established in the different 
districts — Limerick, in 1869; Armagh, in 1873; Tralee, in 1871; 
and Cork, in 1876. 

Over 80,000cwts. of Irish butter were bought in 1898, and the 
sales amounted to £389,262, out of the two and a half millions, the 
total amount of the C.W.S. butter sales. 

Factories on the French system have been established at 
Armagh and Tralee. The Wholesale has now 35 creameries 
working, with 28 auxiliaries, chiefly in the south-western counties, 
and lias been very successful in the attempt at butter-making. 
No expense was spared that the creameries might compete 
successfully with the well-equipped Danish creameries, with the 
result that the C.W.S. creamery butter has gained, in open 
competition, one gold, live silver, and four bronze medals, as well 
as other awards. 

The output of the Wholesale's creameries for one quarter 
alone — September quarter, 1898 — amounted to over £61,000, or 
nearly £5,000 a week. The total weight of creamery butter for 
the year was over 36,000cwts. This does not include purchases 
from other Co-operative creameries. 

A large business is also done in eggs and bacon. 

CRUMPSALL BISCUIT AND SWEETS WORKS. 

The purchase of these works in 1873 marked an important 
stage in the history of the Co-operative Wholesale Society. Up to 
that time its function had been entirely distributive, but with the 
acquiring of Crumpsall Works a new departure was inaugurated. 

The Committee of the Society, who were then, as now, ever on 
the alert to secure advantages for the retail stores, saw in these 
works an opening for the profitable employment of capital, and the 
results have fully justified their expectations. 

Twenty years ago the works presented a much less imposing 
appearance than is seen to-day. In common with nearly all the 
undertakings of the Wholesale, rapid growth has attended these 
works, and, although several departments have been completely 
transferred to other localities, those which are carried on here 
have so increased that it has become necessary to build to almost 
double the extent. 

Originally devoted to the manufacture of biscuits and sweets, 
it was not long before jam was also an article of Crumpsall 
production, but this branch attained such dimensions that in 1896 
it was accommodated with a factory to itself at Middleton. 

At present the principal goods made here are biscuits, cakes, 
and boiled and other kinds of sweets, drugs, and drysalteries. 



17 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

The machinery used is of the most modern type, the ingredients 
of the purest and best obtainable, and it is not surprising to learn 
that these articles find an ever-increasing demand. 

Then table jellies are also made here, and special attention has 
been devoted to obtain a really excellent and wholesome product. 

Space forbids anything like enumeration of the sundries which 
are packed at Crumpsall, but almost every variety of grocery 
sundries is included. 

MIDDLETON PRESERVE AND PICKLE WORKS. 

This factory is situated at Middleton Junction, near Oldham, 
and lies about six miles from Manchester. The site is most 
convenient, having the railway at the back of the building, and a 
siding specially constructed for the works enables the waggons to 
be brought completely within cover of the building, thus facilitating 
both loading and discharging. 

The main building is devoted to the manufacture and storage of 
jam. In the fresh fruit season the scene presented is one of great 
activity, and as many as 700 persons are employed. In the large 
building on the upper floor the fruit is received and carefully 
picked. During the busiest time as many as 350 women and girls 
are employed in examining the fruit, removing foreign substances, 
stalks, &c. 

As an instance of the smartness of transit, it might be 
mentioned that strawberries growing in Kent at noon on one day 
are picked, packed, and carried to Middleton Works — 250 miles 
distant — by live o'clock the next morning. During the last two 
years a quantity of fruit from the C.W.S. Estate at Roden, in 
Shropshire, has been made into jam, and as time goes on 
considerable developments are expected in this direction. 

Here also candied peel is made, and the famous Middleton 
pickles are prepared. 

Everyone who visits these works is struck by the space and 
cleanliness of the premises, and all Co-operators may rest assured 
that everything possible is done to provide them with wholesome 
and palatable articles of diet. 

LEICESTER BOOT AND SHOE WORKS. 

On the Knighton, or southern, side of Leicester, hard by the 
Midland main line to London, stands one of the grandest monu- 
ments of Co-operative enterprise. How it grew sounds almost like 
a romance. This Wheatsheaf Co-operative Boot and Shoe Works 
grew — it grew big, it grew powerful, and as it grew big and powerful 
it grew in beauty. Beauty is a "hard saying" in regard to a factory; 
it seems so impossible. But here, just where the town of Leicester 



IS 




melts into its open, beautifully green pastures, stands the finest 
boot and shoe factory in the whole world. The outward appearance 
of the structure is imposing, and combined with its noble propor- 
tions there is a lightness, an airiness, and a brightness about the 
whole place that is almost unknown in ordinary factories. Here 
we have a grand combination of sweetness, light, and industry, and 
a wonderland of machinery, controlled by male and female opera- 
tives, who work in a pure atmosphere, with abundance of daylight 
and hundreds of shaded electric lamps. 

A noticeable feature of this factory is the entire absence of dust ; 
this is effected by an admirable arrangement by which the dust is 
drawn by a powerful draught through pipes connected with the 
various machines and deposited outside the building, thus adding 
greatly to the comfort of the employes. 

The manufacture of boots and shoes was commenced in 1873, 
in Duns Lane. Within the next few years extensions had to be 
made several times as a matter of course, and finally the Committee 
decided upon erecting a new factory, and so the Wheatsheaf Works 
came into existence, being opened in 1891. The buildings cover an 
area of two acres, but the Society purchased altogether six acres, so 
there is ample space for further developments. 

The total capacity of the whole of the works (Wheatsheaf 
Works, West End Shoe Works, Duns Lane, and Enderby) is 
50,000 pairs per week. The present production being 35,000 pairs 
per week, it is obviously to the interest of all the members of retail 
stores that the works should be run to the maximum capacity and 
thus reduce the expenses. 

IRLAM SOAP AND CANDLE WORKS. 

The next productive venture of the C.W.S. w T as the manufacture 
of soap. The immense amount spent on advertising and presents 
in connection with the soap trade must convince the most dense 
individual thaf the profits of this business must be enormous. The 
C.W.S. Committee saw what possibilities were open to Co-operators 
in the shape of retaining these profits by manufacturing their own 
soap. Accordingly, Durham Works were opened in 1874. The 
value of supplies in 1876 was £9,264, and this graduallv increased 
until, in 1894, the sum of £37,684 was reached. But the C.W.S. 
was not satisfied with this amount of trade, and, in accordance with 
their usual forward policy, acquired a site on the Manchester Ship 
Canal, and erected the Iilam Soap, Candle, and Glycerine Works. 
The average weight of soap despatched weekly is 150 tons. 

The position of the works is one of great advantage, as, owing 
to the continuity of the canal, vessels bringing raw produce from 
Australia, South America, or elsewhere are able to bring their 



19 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

cargoes to the very doors of the works. This in itself constitutes a 
great economy in handling, transhipping, and expenses connected 
therewith. 

In the laboratory of the works, chemists are constantly engaged 
in analysing the various products and seeing that the highest 
standard of efficiency is maintained, and it may he asserted with 
confidence that the Irlam products are equal to the most belauded 
articles advertised everywhere. 

Co-operators should remember that all these works described in 
this article are theirs, and their support is absolutely necessary 
to ensure the success of these productive enterprises. 

HECKMOXDWIKE BOOT AND SHOE AND CURRYING WORKS. 

These works were commenced in 1880 for the manufacture of 
the heavier classes of boots and shoes, such as miners' and navvies', 
for instance. Some of the boots made here are of such a weighty 
and solid nature that they have earned the title of " Ironclads." 
Delicate trifles of this kind will turn the scale at olbs. each. A 
considerable demand exists for these heavy goods in the mining 
districts of the north-east of England, for Co-operation has obtained 
a strong foothold amongst the stalwart workers of those localities. 

In 1887 an important addition was made by including currying. 

The general features of the operations carried on resemble those 
to be seen at Leicester, and the two factories combined are able to 
supply all ages, conditions, and ranks of men, women, and children 
with appropriate foot wear. 

The purchasers of boots or shoes should always look for the 
"Wheatsheaf" trade mark, and thus assure themselves that the 
articles they buy are of genuine material, as in the C.W.S. Works 
no substitutes are used. 

BATLEY WOOLLEX CLOTH WORKS. 

By including the manufacture of boots and clothing with those 
of food and soap, the Wholesale Society affords its members an 
opportunity of displaying an outward and visible sign of their 
adherence to Co-operative production. 

The Livingstone Mill commenced work about 1871 as the 
Batley Manufacturing Company Limited. The prospectus stated 
that the directors were foremen, overlookers, and others practi- 
cally acquainted with woollen manufactures. Working men were 
specially invited to become shareholders. 

Twelve years afterwards the lack of success brought liquidation, 
and in 1886 the Wholesale Society decided to acquire the property 
and work the factory in the interests of its members. 



20 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

Up to December, 1898, goods had been supplied to the amount 
of £233,935, as against £11,590 in 1888. As may be imagined, 
this great increase in business has meant a corresponding enlarge- 
ment of the premises. 

A designer is specially employed at Batley in order that 
original designs of novelty and taste may be prepared for Co- 
operators' wear, and the increasing demand indicates that these 
cloths are appreciated. 

There is still room, however, for considerable improvement in 
the demand, and it might be effected if store members, when 
obtaining a fresh "rig-out," would take steps to ascertain whether 
the cloth is of Batley make. 

LEEDS CLOTHING FACTORY. 

This factory, though by no means very imposing from the 
outside, produces a very agreeable surprise to the visitor when 
once he gets inside the gates. The front of the building overlooks 
Holbeck Moor, a common once used as a racecourse, but now used 
by the inhabitants of South -West Leeds as a recreation ground. 
It is not too much to say that the Leeds Clothing Department has 
been one of the most successful of the C.W. S. undertakings. Since 
its commencement at Batley, in 1888, it has steadily increased in 
the number of hands employed, and the amount of trade done in 
making and trimming for the year 1898 amounts to £33,201. The 
present building is the third which has been occupied by this 
department, the first, as we have stated, being at Batley (Living- 
stone Mill) ; but, this being found too limited for the ever-increasing 
trade of this branch of the Wholesale Productive Works, the 
department was removed in 1890 to more commodious premises, 
situated in Harper Place, Leeds; and eventually, this also proving 
inadequate, the "Mint" Factory was purchased by the Wholesale 
in 1891, and the scene of operations was removed from Harper 
Place to the present site. Considerable extensions are at present 
in progress to meet the requirements of the growing trade. 

Here again one is confronted with extraordinary evidence of 
the expedition secured by machinery in the cutting out of the 
cloth. From twenty to thirty layers of cloth are cut at one time 
by a steel knife, passing over wheels placed above and below the 
table ; in fact, almost every operation, even the making of button- 
holes, is performed by some ingenious mechanism. 

It should be a cause of legitimate self-congratulation to the 
wearers of C.W. S. clothes that no "white slaves" have been 
toiling in misery, amid unhealthy surroundings, to make these 
garments. 



21 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

The arrangements of the light, the spacious apartments, and 
the bright and cheerful appearance of the workers give an added 
weight to the claim the C.W.S. makes for generous and consistent 
trade on the ground of the humane and reasonahle treatment 
of the employes. 

DUNSTON FLOUR MILLS. 

The first step in the direction of corn milling by the Wholesale 
Society was taken in 1883, when a resolution was passed that "It 
is desirable to commence a flour mill in the Newcastle District." 
The question was qoI finally settled till 1886, when the Committee's 
recommendation was passed. A site admirable in every respect, 
containing 4, -490 square yards, was purchased at Dunston, on the 
bank of the Tyne, and building operations commenced. 

The millers of the North took alarm at these unmistakable 
signs of activity on the part of the Co-operators, and the report of 
a ring being formed to oppose the venture caused the Wholesale 
to urge the work forward, with the result that the projected ring 
was abandoned. The mill was opened in 1891, and up to December, 
1898, the supplies had reached the value of £3,116,886. 

About 8,000 sacks of flour are sent out weekly, mid for the year 
ending December, L898, do less a quantity than 33S, 980 sacks were 
sent out from these mills, the quality of the flour produced giving 
universal satisfaction. 

Immediately facing the mill on the opposite side of the river 
arc the enormous Elswick Ordnance Works, extending about a 
mile and three-quarters along the river front. 

Aa the din of hammers falls upon the ear, one cannot refrain 
from contrasting the two opposing factories — in the one death- 
dealing weapons wrought by men for the destruction of their 
fellows ; in the other is produced an essential of existence to 
sustain life, and, in addition, emhodies a principle that is slowly 
but surely permeating the minds of men, that unity, not division, 
is the only path to the goal of happiness and content. When this 
is realised human industry will no longer he engaged in making 
cannon and shot, but will find employment in such peaceful and 
useful works as the C.W.S. controls for the benefit of Co-operators. 

BROUGHTOX CABIXET WORKS. 

Broughton is quite a little hive of Co-operative industry. 
Tailoring, furniture, shirts, mantles, corsets, and underclothing are 
all made here, and there is quite a colony of employes, numbering 
nearly 1,000. 

The Cabinet Works was the first established. It was opened 
in 1893, and was intended for the manufacture of better-class 



22 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

furniture. But the call for high-class furniture was not as good 
as was anticipated, and so cheaper work has had to be undertaken. 
This brings the factory more in competition with the little sweating 
shops in back streets and alleys, so that it has not had the same 
opportunity to make profits as the other productive departments 
of the Wholesale. It redounds, therefore, to the credit of the 
Broughton Factory and of the Wholesale that, notwithstanding all 
these adverse circumstances, they have stuck manfully to their 
guns. Fair wages are paid to the workers without regard to those 
workshops where the conditions of labour are far different. 

If only Co-operators were aware of what the Broughton Cabinet 
Works, with its splendid equipment of up-to-date machinery, could 
do for them, the position of the works would, doubtless, be con- 
siderably improved. 

A successful feature of the Cabinet Works is the Showcase and 
Shop Fittings Department. Among the stores recently fitted up 
from Broughton we may mention Earlestown, Colne, Huncote, 
W 7 ednesbury, and Soho Societies. The new offices of the Rochdale 
Pioneers' Society, the London Boardroom, the Tea, Coffee, and 
Cocoa Department, Leman Street, and the Newcastle Branch 
Boardroom and Offices are standing testimony to the excellence of 
the work turned out by the Wholesale Society. 

BROUGHTON SHIRT, MANTLE, UNDERCLOTHING, AND CORSET 

FACTORIES. 

The shirts and mantles manufactured at Broughton are deserving 
of a much wider recognition than they have already received. 
They are warranted to be good value, and societies may have every 
confidence in them because they are manufactured in clean and 
healthy workrooms. It is not at all unlikely that clothing made 
in filthy sweating dens is responsible for carrying away disease 
germs from such tainted surroundings, so this question of clean 
and healthy workrooms is quite as important to the wearer as to 
the worker. 

Work was commenced at the new factory, Broughton, in 
January, 1896. The ground floor is used as a cutting-room and 
stockroom, and the packing is carried on at one end. The second 
room is the machine-room, where the shirts, and also duck jackets, 
overalls, &c, for mechanics and factory operatives, are made. 
The third floor is a separate department for the manufacture of 
underclothing. The mantles used to occupy this third floor, but 
had to remove to the old Tailoring Factory further down the street, 
to get more room, and also to leave more for the Underclothing 
Department. Another department was commenced in October, 
1898, for the manufacture of corsets, which now employs 57 



23 




hands. The Shirt Factory employs 96, the Mantles 51, and the 
Underclothing 51. So this section of the Broughton buildings 
alone employs over 250 people. 

Honest work for honest pay is expected, with the result that 
purchaser and producer alike benefit. The Wholesale has reso- 
lutely set its face against sweating, and the successful operations 
in these much-sweated industries go far to show that better work 
and a greater production go hand in hand with good wages and 
fair conditions of labour. 

BROUGHTON CLOTHING FACTORY. 

This is the largest special order factory round Manchester. 
Established seven years ago, in 1892, it has already had to be 
moved several times in order to obtain the requisite accommodation. 
The new factory was built to hold 800 employes, to anticipate 
future progress a little. It is specially adapted to suit the require- 
ments of the tailoring trade, and already employs close upon 500 
people, earning nearly £20,000 a year, although onlv opened in 
June, 1897. 

Special attention is given at Broughton to the order trade. 
Cutters are sent to the societies in the surrounding districts, who 
show the cloths and take measurements. The clothes are then 
made up, every attention being paid to the style, fit, and finish of 
each garment, and the result is a largely increasing trade. The 
system lias been of great benefit to many societies, especially the 
smaller societies and those having no Tailoring Department/as it 
saves them the heavy expenses attaching to a competent cutter 
and a staff. After all, it is only a further proof of the advantages 
derivable from combination of interests. 

LONGSIGHT PRINTING WORKS. 

So large had the requirements of the Wholesale for printing, 
bookbinding, Ac, grown, that it was deemed advisable to establish 
a Printing Department. In January, 1895, work was commenced 
in Holgate Street, Manchester, where very soon over 150 employes 
were busily engaged. 

A distinct success from the beginning, the building in Holgate 
Street was soon found far too small, and in July, 1898, the business 
was transferred to the new works which had been erected at 
Longsight, about 2h miles away. The new building is 220ft. 
square, and consists mainly of one great room, divided into three 
portions by low partitions. The first contains the heavy litho- 
graphic and letterpress printing machines. These are of the most 
modern type, capable of turning out very quickly the best class 
of work. The second portion is occupied by the compositors, and 
the third is used by the ruling and bookbinding departments. A 



24 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 

large basement, excavated under the composing and binding rooms, 
is used as a paper stockroom and for packing. Heavy machinery 
will also be put down here ultimately. The front of the building 
in Hamilton Road is two-storeyed, and contains the offices, the 
artists' room, and the Pattern-card Making Department. 

All the machinery is driven by electricity, generated by powerful 
dynamos, each machine having its own motor. The same dynamos 
also supply the electric lighting. Many advantages are obtained 
by tins system, not the least of which is initial economy, there 
being no gearing, shafting, and belts. All these are done away 
with, with the result that there is a remarkable freedom from dust 
and dirt and oil, and there is considerably less risk of accident to 
life and limb. 

The publication of the "Wheatsheaf" is no light task. The 
circulation has now risen to over 170,000 copies monthly. The 
"Annual" for 1897, 1898, and 1899 were printed and bound in the 
Society's works, and gave further proof that the work turned oat 
is second to none. 

THE TOBACCO FACTORY. 

The establishment of this factory was due to the rapid growth 
of the trade, which appeared to promise a profitable investment 
for the members of the C. W.S., the annual trade in tobacco, cigars, 
and snuff amounting to £215,000. Of this sum no less than 70 per 
cent represents the proportion paid for common tobacco of the 
class retailed at about 3d. per oz. 

The Wholesale decided in 1896 to commence the manufacture 
of tobacco, and after mature consideration a building in Sharp 
Street, within easy reach of Balloon Street, was acquired, and 
fitted with all the necessary equipments for the business. Very 
soon after work was started it became apparent that extension 
would be imperative, and considerable additions have already been 
made to the original premises. 

The result of the first 15^- weeks' working was a profit of £351. 
This was a remarkably good beginning, as it is not always possible 
to show a balance on the right side of the account during the first 
period of the working of a productive department. For the first 
year ending June, 1899, the profit realised was £3,312. At the 
present time (June) nearly eleven tons of manufactured tobacco are 
sent out every week, and the factory has secured more than half of 
the trade of the societies. 

These facts afford weighty testimony to the excellence of the 
varieties of tobacco, and it is hoped that all Co-operative worshippers 
at the shrine of " baccas " will see that the incense they offer as a 
burnt sacrifice comes from the Sharp Street Factory. 



25 



THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 
WEST HARTLEPOOL LARD REFINERY. 

The establishment of the Lard Refinery marked another step 
taken by the C.W.S. in the production of pure and wholesome 
articles of diet. 

Although civilisation has made great advances during this 
century, we find that adulteration of food is not yet numbered with 
extinct evils. 

Production for profit, with no consideration of moral obligation, 
is responsible for these injurious tricks of trade. Through the 
C.W.S. the Co-operators manufacture for themselves both food 
and clothing, and by this means the incentive to underhanded 
malpractices is abolished. 

In addition to the refining of lard, a considerable trade is also 
done in the pickling of eggs, and the business promises to be a 
success, as a net profit of £3,152 has been recorded since its 
commencement in April, 1896. 

LITTLEBOROUGH FLANNEL FACTORY. 

This factory was, prior to its acquirement by the C.W.S. , carried 
on under the title of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Productive 
Society. 

The formation of this society was initiated in 1872, at a meeting 
of the united organisation of Yorkshire societies. 

Looked' at in the light of later events, it is interesting to note 
that in the discussion it was strongly urged that the Wholesale 
should undertake the work, but it was eventually decided to start 
the factory as an independent concern, only Co-operative societies 
and employes in the mill being admitted as shareholders. 

From various causes the society was not successful, and in 1878 
it was put into voluntary liquidation, with the late J. T. W. Mitchell 
as liquidator, and after Mr. Mitchell's death by Mr. Shillito. 

It was then carried on until April, 1898, when it was purchased 
by the Wholesale Society, and so far the results have been perfectly 
satisfactory*. 



26 



MEETINGS AND OTHER COMING EVENTS 
IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOCIETY IN 1900. 



Feb. 3 — Saturday. .. .Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving. 

Mar. 6 — Tuesday .... Voting Lists : Last day for receiving. 

,, 10 — Saturday. ... Newcastle and London Branch and Divisional 

Quarterly Meetings. 

,, 17 — Saturday. .. .General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester. 

May 5 — Saturday. .. .Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving. 

June 5 — Tuesday ....Voting Lists: Last day for receiving. 

„ 9 — Saturday. Newcastle and London Branch and Divisional 

Quarterly Meetings. 

» 

,, 16 — Saturday. .. .General Quarterly Meeting— Manchester. 

,, 23 — Saturday. .. .Half-yearly Stocktaking. 

Aug. 4 — Saturday. .. .Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving. 

Sept. 4 — Tuesday ....Voting Lists: Last day for receiving. 

„ 8 — Saturday. .. .Newcastle and London Branch and Divisional 

Quarterly Meetings. 

,, 15— Saturday. .. .General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester. 

Nov. 8 — Saturday. .. .Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving. 

Dec. 4 — Tuesday ....Voting Lists: Last day for receiving. 

„ 8 — Saturday .... Newcastle and London Branch and Divisional 

Quarterly Meetings. 

„ 15 — Saturday. .. .General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester. 

„ 22 — Saturday. .. .Half-yearly Stocktaking. 



27 



PEINCIPAL EVENTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE 
CO-OPEEATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY 

SINCE ITS COMMENCEMENT. 



Events. 

. Co-operative Wholesale Society enrolled. 

. Co-operative Wholesale Society commenced business. 

. Tipperary Branch opened. 

. Kilmallock Branch opened. 

. Balloon Street Warehouse opened. 

. Limerick Branch opened. 

. Newcastle-on-Tyne Branch opened. 

. Manchester Boot and Shoe Department commenced. 

. Bank Department commenced. 

. Crumpsall Works purchased. 

. Armagh Branch opened. 

. Manchester Drapery Department established. 

. Waterford Branch opened. 

. Cheshire Branch opened. 

. Leicester Works purchased. 

. Insurance Fund established. 

. Leicester Works commenced. 

. Tralee Branch opened. 

. London Branch established. 

. Durham Soap Works commenced. 

. Liverpool Purchasing Department commenced. 

. Manchester Drapery Warehouse, Dantzic Street, opened. 

. Newcastle Branch Buildings, Waterloo Street, opened. 

. New York Branch established. 

. S.S. " Plover " purchased. 

. Manchester Furnishing Department commenced. 

. Leicester Works first Extensions opened. 

. Cork Branch established. 

. Land in Liverpool purchased. 



Year. 


Day. 


1863 . 


. Aug. 11 . 


1864 . 


. Mar. 14 . 


1866 . 


. April 24 . 


1868 . 


. June 1 . 


1869 . 


. Mar. 1 . 


5> 


. July 12 . 


1871 . 


. Nov. 26 . 


1872 . 


. July 1 . 


)> 


. Oct. 14 . 


1873 . 


. Jan. 13 . 


>> 


. April 14 . 


>> 


. June 2 . 


>> 


. July 14 . 


)> 


. Aug. 4 . 


>) 


. „ 4 . 


!) " 


. „ 16 . 


>) ' 


. Sept. 15 . 


1874 . 


. Feb. 2 . 


>> 


. Mar. 9 . 


>> 


. Oct. 5 . 


1875 . 


. April 2 . 


)> 


. June 15 . 


1876 . 


. Feb. 14 . 


>> 


. „ 21 . 


)> • 


. May 24 . 


,, 


. July 16 . 


ii 


. Aug. 5 . 


1877 . 


. Jan. 15 . 




. Oct. 25 . 



28 



PETNCIPAL 


EVENTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE 




CO-OPEEATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY 






SINCE ITS COMMENCEMENT— continued. 


Year. 


Day. 


Events. 


1879 


. Feb. 21 . 


. S.S. "Pioneer," Launch of. 


>> 


. Mar. 24 . 


. Rouen Branch opened. 


>) 


29 . 


. S.S. "Pioneer," Trial trip. 


>> 


. June 30 . 


. Goole Forwarding Department opened. 


1880 


. Jan. 30 . 


. S.S. "Plover" sold. 


») 


. July 27 . 


. S.S. "Cambrian" purchased. 


>) 


. Aug. 14 . 


. Heckmondwike Boot and Shoe Works commenced. 


>> 


. Sept. 27 . 


. London Drapery Department commenced in new premises, 
99, Leman Street. 


1881 


. June 6 . 


. Copenhagen Branch opened. 


1882 


. Jan. 18 . 


. Garston Forwarding Depot commenced. 


>» 


. Oct. 31 . 


. Leeds Saleroom opened. 


m 


. Nov. 1 . 


. London Tea and Coffee Department commenced. 


1883 


. July 21 . 


. S.S. "Marianne Briggs" purchased. 


1884 


. April 7 . 


. Hamburg Branch commenced. 


>> 


. May 31 . 


. Leicester Works second Extensions opened. 


)5 


. June 25 . 


. Newcastle Branch — New Drapery Warehouse opened. 


>> 


. Sept. 13 . 


. Commemoration of the Society's Twenty-first Anniversary 
at Newcastle-on-Tyne and London. 


M 


. „ 20 . 


. Commemoration of the Society's Twenty-first Anniversary 
at Manchester. 


>> 


. „ 29 . 


. Bristol Depot commenced. 


)» 


. Oct. 6 . 


. S.S. "Progress," Launch of. 


1885 


. Aug. 25 . 


. Huddersfield Saleroom opened. 


>> 


. Dec. 30 . 


. Fire — Tea Department, London. 


1886 


. April 22 . 


. Nottingham Saleroom opened. 


»> 


. Aug. 25 . 


. Longton Crockery Depot opened. 


>? 


. Oct. 12 . 


. S.S. "Federation," Launch of. 


1887 


. Mar. 14 . 


. Batley Mill commenced. 


>) 


. June 1 . 


. S.S. "Progress" damaged by fire at Hamburg. 


55 


. July 21 . 


. Manchester — New Furnishing Warehouse opened. 


5> 


. Aug. 29 . 


. Heckmondwike — Currying Department commenced. 


)) 


. Nov. 2 . 


. London Branch — New Warehouse opened. 


>J 


.. „ 2 . 


. Manufacture of Cocoa and Chocolate commenced. 



29 



PEINCIPAL EVENTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE 
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY 

SINCE ITS COMMENCEMENT— continued. 



Events. 
S.S. "Equity," Launch of. 
S.S. "Equity," Trial trip. 
s.s. "Cambrian" sold. 
Fire — Newcastle Branch. 
Enderby Extension opened. 
Longton Depot — New Premises opened. 
- - -Liberty," Trial trip. 
Blackburn Saleroom opened. 
Leeds Clothing Factory commenced. 
Northampton Saleroom opened. 
Dunston Corn Mill opened. 
Cardiff Saleroom opened. 
Leicester New Works opened. 
Aarhus Branch opened. 
Fire at Cruinpsall Works. 
Birmingham Saleroom opened. 
Broughton Cabinet Factory opened. 
Montreal Branch opened. 
Printing Department commenced. 
Gothenburg Branch opened. 
Irlarn Soap Works opened. 
Loss of the S.S. " Unity." 
West Hartlepool Refinery purchased. 
Middleton Preserve Works commenced. 
Roden Estate purchased. 
" Wheatsheaf " Record — first publication. 
New Northampton Saleroom opened. 
Manufacture of Candles commenced at Irlarn. 
New Tea Department Buildings opened. 
Sydney Depot commenced. 
Banbury Creamery opened. 
Littleboro' Flannel Mill acquired. 
Tobacco Factory commenced. 
Longsight Printing Works commenced. 
Corset Factory commenced. 



Year. 


Day. 


1888 . 


. July 7 


)5 


. Sept. 8 


)) ■ 


• „ 27 


>? * 


. Oct, 11 


1889 . 


. Feb. 18 


,, 


. Nov. 11 


1890 . 


. Mar. 10 


>> • 


. May 16 


>J • 


. June 10 


u • 


. Oct. 22 


1891 . 


. April 18 


)> • 


. Oct. 22 


)> 


. Nov. 4 


>> • 


■ „ 16 


>? • 


. Dec. 24 


1892 . 


. May 5 


1893 . 


• „ 8 


1891 . 


. June 29 


1895 . 


Jan. 23 


„ 


Aug. 5 


>) • 


Oct. 2 


>» 


„ 10 


1896 . 


April 24 


>> 


June 26 


>5 • 


June 13 


)) • 


July 1 


1897 . 


Feb. 10 


>5 ■ 


Mar. 1 


V " 


„ 22 


>> • 


. Aug. 7 


)> • 


Sept. 16 


1898 . 


April 1 


>> • 


May 9 


>» • 


July 11 


„ • 


Oct. 20 



30 



Xist of ^Telegraphic H&oreeses, 

*£#-H 

Central, Manchester : 

"WHOLESALE, MANCHESTER." 

Newcastle Branch : 

" WHOLESALE, NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE." 

London Branch : 

" WHOLESALE, LONDON." 

Bristol Depot : 

" WHOLESALE, BRISTOL. ' 

Liverpool Office and Warehouse : 

"WHOLESALE, LIVERPOOL." 

Leeds Sale and Sample Rooms : 

" WHOLESALE, LEEDS." 

Crumps all Works : 

" BISCUIT, MANCHESTER." 

Middleton Preserve Works : 

"WHOLESALE, MIDDLETON JUNCTION." 

Irlam Soap Works : 

" WHOLESALE, CADISHEAD." 

Cardiff Saleroom : 

" WHOLESALE, CARDIFF." 

Leicester Shoe Works : 

"WHOLESALE, LEICESTER." 

Heckmondwike Shoe Works : 

•• WHOLESALE, HECKMONDWIKE." 

Batley Woollen Mill : 

" WHOLESALE, BATLEY." 

Leeds Eeady-mades Factory : 

"SOCIETY, LEEDS." 

Longton Crockery Depot : 

"WHOLESALE, LONGTON (STAFF.)." 

Corn Mill, Dunston-on-Tyne : 

"WHOLESALE, DUNSTON, GATESHEAD." 

Northampton Saleroom : 

" WHOLESALE, NORTHAMPTON." 

Tobacco Factory : 

" TOBACCO, MANCHESTER." 

Longsight Printing Works : 

" TYPOGRAPHY, MANCHESTER." 

LlTTLEBOROUGH FLANNEL MlLLS : 

- WHOLESALE, LlTTLEBOROUGH." 

Hartlepool Lard Refinery : 

" WHOLESALE, WEST HARTLEPOOL." 



31 



ftelepbonic Communication. 



Our Premises in the following towns are directly connected 
with the Local Telephone System : — 

Nos. 

MANCHESTER— GENERAL OFFICES 802 

2777 

DRAPERY DEPARTMENT 908 

BOOT AND SHOE DEPARTMENT .... 3516 

FURNISHING DEPARTMENT 1755 

CRUMPSALL— Sub to MANCHESTER GENERAL OFFICES. 802a 

BROUGHTON— CABINET WORKS 3063 

NEWCASTLE— West Blandford Street 1260 

1787 

m ■• >> •• j.yoy 

*284 

„ Waterloo Street *284 

„ Quayside Shed *276 and 1710 

LONDON— GENERAL OFFICE 2591 

GROCERY SALEROOM 5572 

DRAPERY 5571 

TEA DEPARTMENT 5570 

FURNISHING and BOOT DEPARTMENT .... 2592 

BRISTOL— OFFICE 40 

SALEROOM 940 

LIVERPOOL 397 

GARSTON 6 

GOOLE 2 

LEICESTER 235 

LONGTON 4016 

DUNSTON 1261 

*2 

LEEDS READY-MADES, HOLBECK 1648 

WEST HARTLEPOOL REFINERY 286 

MIDDLETON— PRESERVE WORKS (Failsworth) 33 

• Post Office System. All others National Telephone Company. 



32 



CO-OPEEATIV 

PAST ME 


E WHOLESALE 


society l: 


[MITED. 

E. 


MBERS OF GENERAL COMMITTE 


Name. 


Address. 


Elected. 


Retired. 


*A. Greenwood 


Rochdale 


1863 August .. 
1863 August . . 


1870 August. 
1869 May. 
1867 May. 


-(-Councillor Smithies . . 


Rochdale 




1863 August .. 




1 


1863 August . . 
1866 May 


1864 March. 
1869 Dec. 


John Hilton 


Middleton 


1863 August . . 


1868 Nov. 




( 


1863 August .. 


1864 March. 




1 
Heckmondwike . . - 

l 


1865 Nov. 
1885 Dec 


1874 May. 
1886 March. 




1886 June 


1889 Dec. 


Joseph Thomasson .... 


Oldham - 

( 


1863 August .. 
1866 Mav 


1864 March. 
1S69 Nov. 


Charles Howarth .... 
J. Neild 


Hevwood 


1864 March .... 
1864 March .... 
1867 Nov 


1866 October. 
1865 Nov. 
1868 Nov. 


J i 


Thomas Cheetham. . . . 
W. Nuttall 


Rochdale 


1864 March .... 

1865 Nov. 
1876 June 


1865 Nov. 

1866 Feb. 
1877 Dec. 


Oldham 

1 


§E. Longfield 


Manchester 


1867 May 


1867 Nov. 




f 


1868 Feb 


1868 May. 


f J. M. Percival 


Manchester - 


1870 Feb 


1872 August. 




1 


1876 March .... 


1882 June. 


Isaiah Lee 


Oldham 


1867 Nov 


1868 Nov. 


§D. Baxter 


Manchester 


1868 May 


1871 May. 


J. Swindells 

T. Sutcliffe 


Hvde 


1868 Nov. 
1868 Nov 


1869 Nov. 
1869 Nov. 


Todrnorden 


* James C. Fox 




1868 Nov 


1871 May. 


W. Marcroft 


Oldham 


1869 May 
1869 Nov. 
1869 Nov 


1871 May. 
1871 Nov. 
1870 Nov. 


R. Holgate 


Eccles 


Over Darwen 


A. Mitchell 

W. Moore 


Rochdale 


1870 August . . 
1870 Nov 


1870 Nov. 

1871 August. 




♦Titus Hall 


Bradford - 

1 


1871 May , , . 
1877 June 


1874 Dec. 
1885 Dec. 



33 



PAST MEMBERS OF GENERAL COMMITTEE— continued. 



Name. 



Address. 



Elected. 



Retired. 



B. Hague Barnsley 



Thoraas Shorrocks 
!R. Allen 



Over Darwen 
Oldham .... 



Job Whitelev Halifax 



\ Thomas Hayes 

Jonathan Fishwiek .. 
J. Thorpe 

tW. Johnson 



Failsworth 
Bolton . . . 
Halifax . . . 



Bolton 



|H. Whiley Manchester 



J. Butcher 

H. Atkinson 

J. F. Brearley . . 

Robert Cooper. . 

H. Jackson 

J. Pickersgill . . 

W. Barnett 

John Stansfield 

S. Lever 



Banbury 

Blaydon-on-Tyne . . 

Oldham 

Accrington 

Halifax 

Batley Carr 

Macclesfield 

Heckmondwike .... 



Bacup 



F. R. Stephenson . . . 

R. Whittle 

*Thos. Swann 

Joseph Mc.Nab 

James Hilton 

Samuel Taylor 

William P. Hemm . . . 

H. C. Pingstone 

*§J. T. W. MitcheU... 

E. Hibbert 

James Lownds 



Halifax 

Crewe 

Masborough 

Hyde 

Oldham 

Bolton 

Nottingham 

Manchester 

Rochdale 

Failsworth 

Ashton-under-L vne . 



1871 May .. 
1874 Dec. .. 

1871 May . . 
1871 August 
1871 August 

1873 Feb. . . 
1871 Nov. . . 

1871 Nov. .. 

1872 Feb. . . 
1872 Feb. . , 
1877 June . 

1872 August 

1874 May . 

1873 May . 

1873 August 

1874 Feb. . 

1874 Feb. . 

1874 Dec. . 

1874 Dec. . 

1874 Dec. . 

1874 Dec. . 

1876 Sept. . 
1886 March 

1876 Sept. . 

1877 Dec. . 

1882 Sept. . 

1883 Dec. . 

1884 Sept. . 

1885 Sept. . 
1888 Sept. . 

1886 March 
1869 Nov. . 
1882 Sept. . 
1885 March 



1875 May. 

1884 Sept. 

1871 Nov. 
1877 April. 

1872 Feb. 
1874 Feb. 

1873 August. 

1872 Feb. 

1873 Feb. 

1876 June. 

1885 March. 

1874 Feb. 
1876 March. 

1873 August. 

1874 Dec. 
1874 Dec. 
1876 June. 

1876 June. 

1877 March. 
1882 Sept. 

1898 June. 

1885 Sept. 

1888 May. 
1877 March. 

1886 March. 

1899 Feb. 
1886 March. 

1890 January. 

1891 Dec. 

1889 August. 

1894 June. 

1895 March. 
1895 June. 
1895 July. 



* Held Office as President. 
J Held Office as Secretary. 



t Held Office as Secretary and Treasurer. 
5 Held Office as Treasurer. 



34 



*PAST MEMBERS OF NEWCASTLE BRANCH COMMITTEE. 


. Name. 


Address. 


Elected. 


Retired. 


Humphrey Atkinson . . 


Chester-le-Street . . . 
Blaydon-on-Tyne . . 
West Cramlington . . 
Newcastle-on-Tyne . . 
Durham 


1874 Dec. 

1874 Dec 

1874 Dec. . . 
1874 Dec. , 

1874 Dec 

1874 Dec 

1876 Dec 

1877 Sept 

1877 Dec 

1883 Dec 

1883 Dec 

1884 June 

1874 Dec 

1879 May 


1877 Sept. 
1879 May. 
1877 Sept. 
1876 Sept. 

1891 Sept. 
1875 March. 

1892 May. 
1884 June. 
1883 Dec. 
1890 May. 
1887 Dec. 

1893 June. 
1893 Sept. 
1893 Dec. 


Thomas Pinkney 

f John Thirlaway 

William Robinson .... 
William J. Howat .... 


Newbottle 

Shotley Bridge .... 
Newcastle-on-Tyne . . 
Wallsend 


Matthew Bates 

Richard Thomson .... 


Newcastle-on-Tyne . . 
Newbottle 


* PAST MEMB 


ERS OF LONDON 


BRANCH COMMITTEE. 


Name. 


Address. 


Elected. 


Retired. 


J. Durrant 

John Green 


Arundel 

Sheerness 


1874 Dec 

1874 Dec. , 

1874 Dec 

1875 Dec. , 

1876 Dec. 

1882 June 

1886 Dec. 
1874 Dec. 


1875 Dec. 

1876 Dec. 
1878 March. 
1882 March. 
1888 Dec. 
1886 Sept. 
1888 Dec. 
1896 Dec. 


F. A. Williams 

J. J. B. Beach 

T. E. Webb 


Banburv 


Reading 








* Newcastle and 


London Branch Committe< 
+ Held Office as Seci 


2s constituted Decern 
•etary. 


ber, 1874. 



35 



CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY 
LIMITED. 



MEMBERS OF GENERAL, AND NEWCASTLE 

AND LONDON BRANCH COMMITTEES WHO HAVE DIED 

DURING TIME OF OFFICE. 



NAME. 



ADDRESS. 



Edward Hooson 

Robert Allen 

Richard Whittle 

Samuel Lever 

William P. Hemm .... 

James Hilton 

Samuel Taylor 

J. T. W. Mitchell 

E. Hibbert 

James Lownds 

Thos. Swann 



GENERAL. 

Manchester 

Oldham 

Crewe 

Bacup 

Nottingham . . . 

Oldham 

Bolton 

Rochdale 

Failsworth 

Ashton-un-Lyne. 
Masboro' 



NEWCASTLE. 

J. Atkinson Wallsend 

William Green Durham 

John Thirlaway Gateshead 



LONDON. 

J. J. B. Beach Colchester . . 

T. E. Webb Battersea 



DATE OF DEATH. 



December 11th, 1869. 
April 2nd, 1S77. 
March 6th, 1886. 
May 18th, 1888. 
August 21st, 1889. 
January 18th, 1890. 
December 15th, 1891. 
March 16th, 1895. 
June 25th, 1895. 
July 27th, 1895. 
February 15th, 1899. 



May 25th, 1890. 
September 9th, 1891. 
May 1st, 1892. 

December 21st, 1888. 
December 2nd, 1896. 



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49 



STATISTICS 



SHOWING THE PROGRESS 



OF THE 



Cooperative Wholesale Society 

LIMITED, 



FROM COMMENCEMENT IN 



1864 TO 1898. 



PROGRESS FROM COMMENCEMENT, FEOM 



Yeah ending 



to 




9 


— 


3 


— 


A 


£ 


CO 


O 




M 


IA 


<B 


«« 





October, 



January, 



1864 (30 weeks) . 

1865 

1866 

1868 (65 weeks) . 

1869 

1870 

1871 (53 weeks) . 

1872 

1873 

1874 



1875 

1876 

1877 (53 weeks) . 



1878 
1879 



December, 1879 (50 weeks). 

1880 

1881 



5,835 
6,949 

13,899 

17,326 
22,254 

24,717 

24,979 
28,206 

30,688 

33,663 

34,351 

38,643 
41,783 

45,099 

51399 

58,612 
64,475 
67,704 
72,399 
92,572 

1891 100,022 

1892 112,339 

1893 121,555 

1894 127,211 

1895 (53 weeks i.. 132,639 

1896 142,868 

1897 151,682 

1898 1 161.720 



1SH2 

1883 

1884 (53 weeks). 

1885 

1886 

1887 

' 1888 

1889 (53 weeks). 
1890 



c n o z> 

7- ■ 
K « & 



18,337 
24,005 
31.030 
59,349 

74,737 

79,245 

89,880 

114,588 

134,270 

168,985 

198,008 
249,516 

276,522 

274,040 
305,181 

331,025 

361,523 

367,973 

404,006 
433,151 

459,734 

507,772 

558,104 

604,800 

634,196 

679,336 

721,316 

751,269 
824,149 
873,698 
910,104 

930,985 

993,564 
1,053,564 

1,118,158 



Capital. 






c ® 






2 = 



X 

£3 



o 



2,455 
7,182 

10,908 
11,276 

1 l.S.sV 

16,556 
19,015 
24.110 
31,352 

48,126 

60,930 
78,249 

94,590 

103,091 
117,657 

130,615 

146,061 

156,052 

171,940 
186,692 

207,030 

234.112 

1 1 270,679 

'I 300,953 

j| 318,583 

342,21s 

434,017 

473,956 

523,512 
570,149 
598,496 

635,541 

682,656 
728,749 

775,536 



£ 
Inclu- 
ded in 

Shares. 
14.355 
16,059 
22.N22 
22,323 
25,768 
112,589 

147,949 

193,594 
286,614 

299,287 

287,536 
291,939 

321,670 

361,805 

336,824 

4161832 

455,879 

494,840 

524,781 

567,527 

590,091 

648,134 

722,321 

824,974 

000,752 
925,471 

917,482 
972,586 

1,092,070 

1,195395 
1,254,319 

1,297,182 



£ 


£ 




£ 


' 82 








682 






. 


1,115 


. . 




. 


1,280 








2,826 




• 


. 


1,910 








2,916 








1,613 


2,356 






5,373 


3385 






8,910 


5,834 




• 



12,031 10,843 



14.554 
16,245 

25,240 

38,422 

16,037 

20,757 
20,447 

25,120 

31,094 

37,755 

39,095 

51,189 

58,358 

48,549 

53.165 
56.301 
35313 

37,556 

04.354 

97,852 
109383 

152,460 



12,556 

15.127 

15,710 

17,905 

18,644 

19,729 
21,949 

24,324 

40384 

57,015 

73,237 

84,201 

119,541 

I5533I 

193,115 
218,534 
240,884 
259,976 

282,563 

319,478 

350,747 

382,620 



634 

788 

1,146 

1,095 
1,661 

2,489 

2,945 
6,214 

9,988 
11,104 
11,403 
13,666 
13,928 

9,197 

11,695 

15,409 
17,827 

14,973 

22,488 

19,050 

20,161 
28,623 

24.202 



£ 

2,455 

7,182 

11,050 

20,313 

32,002 

40,058 

44,164 

52,088 

146,857 

200,044 

203,282 
379.607 

417,985 

418,525 

442,114 

494,330 
565,854 
580,046 

632,203 

691,131 

701,358 

841,175 

944,379 

1,017,042 

1,116,035 

1,251,635 

1,474,400 

1,030,397 
1,741,645 
1,779.301 
1391,102 

2,093,578 

2,316.042 
2,472,321 

2,632300 



Net 
Sales. 



£ 
51357 

120,754 
175,489 
331,744 
412,240 
507,217 
677,734 
758,764 
1,153,132 

1,636,950 

1,964,829 
2,247,395 

2,697,366 

2327,052 

2,705,625 

2,645,331 
3,339,681 
3374,095 

4,038,238 

4,546,889 

4,675,371 

4,793,151 

5,223.135 

5,713,279 

6,200,074 

7,028,944 

7,429,073 

8,766,430 
9,300,904 

9,526,167 

9,443,933 

10.141,917 

11,115,056 
11,920,143 

12,574,748 



10:1,204,712 



Dr. RESERVE FUND ACCOUNT— TRADE DEPARTMENT 

Deductions from Reserve Fund — £ 

Celebration Dinner: Opening Warehouse, Balloon Street 56 

Land and Buildings Account Depreciation, Special 1.148 

Fixtures „ „ „ 852 

Newcastle Formation Expenses 16 

Insurance Fund 6,000 

Investments Written off : Bank Department 18,259 

„ Trade Department 10.600 

Manchester Ship Canal Shares 20,000 

Donations, Subscriptions, &c 35.149 

2lst Anniversary Commemoration Expenses, Manchester 2.017 

94,157 

Balance — Reserve Fund: — December 24th, 1898, as per Capital Account £105395 

„ „ as per proposed Disposal of Profit Account. 7,700— 113.095 

£207,252 






51 



MAECH, 1864, TO DECEMBER, 1898. 



Comparison 
with corre- 
sponding period 
previous year. 



Distributive 
Expenses. 



Increase. 


Rate. 



iRateonSales 



Per! 
£. 



54,735 
112,688 
124.003 

94.977 
159,379 

86,559 
394,368 

4&3.818 

327,879 
282,566 

401,095 

188,897 
131,427" 

22,774 

611.282 

234,414 

464,143 

508,651 

41,042 

203,946 

430,028 

490,056 

486,839 

709,638 

532,750 

1,337.357 

534.474 

225,263 

82,229 

516,365 

1,164,496 

805,087 

654.60.-, 



45£ 

51| 

43 

23 

301 

192 

51& 

«i 

20 
14g 

Wl 

74 
«r 

OS 

22| 

7 

125 
12* 

01 

43 



If 
If 

24 
2| 

2| 
H 
2| 

n 

3 



9i 

83 

Hi 

7| 
18 
6 

2| 

01* 

5J 
l| 

5g 



£ 

347 

906 
1,615 
3,135 
3.338 
4,644 
5,583 
6,853 
12,811 

21,147 

28,436' 3g 
31,555 34 

42,436 31 

43,169 3g 
43,093 31 

41,309 31 

47,153 3§ 

51,306 3| 

57,340 3| 
66,057 3f 

70,343 3$ 

74,305 3| 

81,653 31 

93,979 % 

105,027 

117,849 

126,879 



Per 
£100. 

s. d. 

13 4i 

15 0" 
18 41 
18 101 

16 21 
18 3| 
16 5g 
18 01 
22 4 

25 10 

28 111 

28 0g 

31 54 

30 61 

31 104; 

31 2f 
28 21 
28 8J 

28 4 J 

29 0| 

30 1 



Net 
Profit. 



- 5^ 



£ d. 

267 li 

1,858 3| 

2,310 3 



143,151 

165,737 4| 

179,910 4^ 

186,05s 4f 

199,512 4g 

218,393 4| 

246,477 4| 

255 032 41 



2,776,538 4§ 



31 





81 


8§ 


32 10; 


33 10j 


33 


6§ 


34 


u 


32 

35 
37 

39 


7g 
71 

9i 

41 


39 


41 


33 

41 


3 A 
4 


40 


Bf 


34 


7f 



4,411 
4,862 
4,248 
7,626 
7,867 
11,116 

14,233 

20.684 
26,750 

36,979 

29,189 

34.959 

42,764 
42,090 

46,850 

49.658 
47,885 

54,491 

77,630 

83,328 

65,141 

82,490 

101,984 

126,979 

135,008 
98,532 
84,156 

126.192 

192,706 

177.419 
135,561 

231,256 



3 

21 

n 

9i 
2§ 
2| 



2 

93 

2| 

2 

24 

2| 

2| 

2| 

2| 
2| 
oa 

33 
34 

2J 

2| 

31 

31 

31 
ox 

**S 
2| 

2| 
31 

34 
2f 

3* 



Additions 
to Trade. 



9) - 

DO S 

.2 ft 



o 

. ~ P 

3 3 

2fc 



234 

450 

416 

542 

1,620 

1.020 

1,243 

922 

4,461 
4,826 

4,925 

579 
5,970 

8,060 

10,651 

7,672 

3,416 
3,176 

6,431 

4,454 

7,077 

9,403 

8,684 

2.2411 

1,145 

6,511 

1 17,215 
26,092 

27,424 

18,045 
8,338 

31,618 



13,259 

15,469 

2,778 

6,614 

16,658 

20,982 

14,702 
1,000 
7,659 

10,000 
10,000 

5,000 



2.209,539 2g :200,444 £124,121 



Dates Departments and Branches 
were commenced. 



Tipperary. 

Kilmallock. 
Limerick. 

Newcastle. 

Manchester Boot and Shoe, Crumpsall 
( Armagh, Manchester Drapery, Leices- 
\ ter, Hartford, Waterford, Clonmel. 

London, Tralee, Durham. 

Liverpool. 

J New York, Goole, Furnishing. S.S 
( "Plover" purchased. Cork. 



( Launch of Steamship " Pioneer." 
I Rouen. Goole forwarding depot. 

Heckmondwike. 

( Copenhagen. Purchase of S.S. " Cam 
I brian." 

Tea and Coffee Department, London. 

Purchase of S.S. " Unity." 
[Hamburg. Bristol Depot. Launch of 
. S.S. " Progress." 

( Longton Depot. Launch of S.S 
| " Federation." 
Batley, Heckmondwike Currying. 
i London Cocoa Department. Launch of 
| S.S. "Equity." Batley Ready-mades 

i Launch of S.S. "Liberty." Leeds 
I Ready-mades Department. 

Dunston,Aarhus,LeicesterNewWorks 

Broughton Cabinet Works. 

Montreal. 

I Printing, Gothenburg, Irlam, Irish 
i Creameries. 

West Hartlepool, Middleton. 

Sydney. 

' Littleboro', Manchester Tobacco Fac 
I tory. 



* Decrease. 1 From. J From Disposal of Profit Account. 

FROM COMMENCEMENT OF SOCIETY. 



Cr. 



Additions to Reserve Fund — £ 

From Disposal of Profit Account, as above — Net 200,444 

Bonus to Employes: Balances between Amounts Provided and actually Paid 311 

Dividend on Bad Debts, previously written off 716 

Unclaimed Balances, Shares, Loans, &c 162 

Profit on Sale of Strawberry Estate, Newcastle 1,953 



„ „ Land, Liverpool 

„ „ Land and Buildings, Rosedale 

„ „ „ „ South Shields 

„ „ „ „ Newhall •■ 

„ „ Shares — New Telephone Company 

Balance of Share Investments— Lancashire and Yorkshire Productive Society 

Balance— Sale of Durham Property 

Interest on Manchester Ship Canal Shares 1,515 

Dividend on Sales to Employes 103 

, £ 207,252 



713 
11 
96 

418 

44 
60 

376 






52 



MANCHESTER GROCERY AND PROVISION 

TRADE. 

Since commencing to keep a separate Account. 
IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Expenses. 



Year or Period ended. 



Sales. 



Net Profit. 



Year ended:— 

January, 1875 (3 quarters) 

„ ' 1876 , 

„ -1877 (53 weeks) , 

1878 

1879 

December, 1879 (50 weeks) . 

1880 

1881 

1882 

1883 

1884 (53 weeks) . 

1885 

„ 1886 

1887 

1888 

„ 1889 (53 weeks) . 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Quarter ended :- 



March, 1895 

June, „ 

September, „ (14 weeks) 

December, „ 

March, 1896 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March, 1897 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March, 1898 

June, „ 

September, , 

December, „ 



Half Year ended :- 

June, 1899 



1110155 
1476536 
1707637 
1761017 
1683613 

1590007 
1998384 
2047210 
2298350 
2544409 
2457288 
2375945 
2571435 
2827624 
8092225 
3503195 
3517114 
4112569 
4401000 
4546048 
4346127 



1026850 
1023423 

1237877 
1262567 

1164938 
1114976 
1252679 
1341234 

1198438 
1185593 
1297996 
1403175 

1243261 
12341564 
1318412 
1552207 



2765877 



Amount. 


Rate. Amount. Rate. 



Stocks 
at end. 



11716 
14701 
17692 
16866 
17373 

16761 
18911 
19883 
23666 
28337 
28522 
27484 
29777 
32979 
35914 
39805 
41548 
46620 
55140 
57881 
57985 



14600 
14895 
16234 
15907 

15884 
15834 
16291 
17948 

17389 
17121 
17458 
18399 

17545 
17383 
18044 
18654 



38790 



s. a. 

2J 

2g 

2g 

2g 

2i 

2* 

2| 

2? 

2| 

2| 

2| 

2| 

2g 

2| 

2| 

2| 

2| 

2| 

3 

3 



3J 



3| 

3| 

3| 

3 

3i 

o m 

3 

3i 

3| 

3| 

3i 

o : j i 



3g 

3| 

3i 

2S 



31 



11986 
19042 
27993 
25745 
26502 

28826 
30977 
32460 
30644 
27455 
24893 
41757 
41381 
45516 
49798 
61452 
65984 
74882 
59915 
48016 
62920 



25547 
20763 
21308 
26465 

24751 
13396 
21289 
25624 

19980 
16737 
20114 
20914 

25403 
26085 
23391 
30665 



52620 



78591755 



947937 



21 1253196 



s. d. 



31 

31 

41 

3| 

3| 

31 

2| 

2| 

4i 

3f 

31 

3| 

4| 

41 ; 

41 

31 

21 

3g 



5| 

41 

41 

5 

5 

2| 

4 

41 

4 

3g 

3| 

3A 

41 

5 

41 

4| 



4J 



71360 
56487 

68205 
53790 
55319 

71446 
70091 
•87277 
141191 
109414 
107524 
92790 
113620 
129565 
139849 
112395 
123432 
192161 
226266 
135325 
144705 



119255 
118877 
179163 
159930 

141996 
133875 
157209 
155114 

139622 
120380 
164960 

124776 

103462 
104364 
180221 
137460 



96821 



31 



53 



MANCHESTER DRAPERY TRADE. 


Since commencing to keep a 


separate 


Account. 


IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 




Expenses. 


Net Profit. 


Net Loss. 


Year or Period ended. Sales. 










Stocks 
at end. 












Amount 


Rate. 


Amount 


Rate. 


Amount Rate. 


Year ended:— £ 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


s. d. £ 


January, 1874 (1 quarter) 10575 


348 


8 


201 


4& 


11568 


1875 71290 


3872 


1 1 


1244 


4£ 




36824 


1876 129486 


7264 


1 1* 


720 


lj 




72408 


1877 (53 weeks) 147083 


9391 


1 3| 






1420 


2i 69267 


1878 124918 


8879 


1 5* 
1 3j 


635 


"l§ 


4144 


7f 


48511 
44439 


1879 134746 


December, 1879(50 weeks) 126824 


7-17 


1 23 


1674 


3| 






43225 


1880 139421 


8511 


i m 


2314 


4 






44105 


1881 132914 


8168 


1 21 

1 lj 


1932 


3§ 






42203 


1882 143019 


8337 


3504 


5| 






40854. 


1883 156997 


8976 


1 1§ 


4171 


6| 






41365 


1884(53 weeks) 165770 


8365 


1. 


5283 


7| 






38026 


1885 173233 


9067 


1 Oh 


5387 


7| 






44948 


1886 195139 


726 


o us 


5333 


6i 






54130 


„ 1887 210705 


10798 


1 0i 


3624 


4| 






59695 


1888 232277 


11350 


o lis 


4791 


41 






62110 


1889(53 weeks) 256449 


13168 


1 0J 


4539 


4| 






87849 


1890 311365 


L5612 


1 


6991 


5§ 




84739 


1091 339213 


16306 


o in 


7915 


5A 




B2524 


1892 370495 


18S67 


i o| 


10136 


6A 






90744 


1893 369766 


19899 


1 og 


7785 


5 






98217 


1894 400813 


21697 


1 5j 


10031 


8 






97297 


Quarter ended :— 
















March, 1895 103266 


.-,4-:, 


1 0| 


2--.I 


6§ 






94987 


June, „ 105908 


5i45 
6327 


1 1 
i a 


4005 
193 


9 

Of 




94074 


September, „ (14 weeks) 108096 


104190 


December, „ 122 


6060 

6-254 


11| 

1 Of 


5269 
2922 


10i 
5| 


108337 
106224 


March, 1896 120344 


June. „ 114333 


6358 
6284 


1 11 

1 11 


3221 

3509 


6f 

7J 


105972 
114650 


September, „ 114-77 


December, ., 132890 


6641 
6617 


111 

1 Of 


3974 
2865 


7| 
oh 


111911 


March, 1897 1241s7 




110875 


June. „ 115969 


6754 
6888 


1 11 

1 81 


3351 
2883 


6i 

51 




112710 
123631 


September, „ 115652 


December, „ 128432 


7035 
6890 


i is 

1 2 


3966 
4160 


7| 
8§ 




113899 
114161 


March, 1898 117725 


Jure, „ 117286 


6820 
6654 


1 11 

1 2f 


4678 
2384 


9£ 

5| 




115119 


September, „ 109057 


.. 


December, „ 137068 


6959 


1 0i 


5228 


9ft 




119399 


Half Year ended :— 






June, 1899 263558 


14454 


1 H 


11169 


10§ 




126661 


6494036 


353463 


1 1 


154876 




5564 

1 


Less Depreciation allowed, see Dis 


posal of 




Profit Account, October, 


1877 .... 


£4757 








„ Loss 

Leaves Net Profit 




5564 


10321 






•• 


144555 


5£ 






Note.— To December, 1883, the fi 


gures inc 


lude Wo 


ollens an 


d Ready 


Mades Department. 



54 



MANCHESTER WOOLLENS AND READY- 
MADE S TRADE. 

Since publishing a separate Account in Balance Sheet. 
IN YEARS TO 1894 ; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Year or Period ended. 



Year ended :— 

December, 1884 (53 weeks) 

1885 

1886 

1887 

1888 

1889 (53 weeks) 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Quarter ended :- 



March, 
June, 

September, 
December, 



1895 



(14 weeks) 



March, 1896 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 

March, 1897 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 



March 
June, 

September, 
December, 



1898 



Half Year ended: 

June, 1899 



Sales. 



20368 
21210 
22173 
21820 
23047 
26813 
26693 
31946 
40649 
49519 
57628 



17034 
23802 
15600 
19137 

24664 
29459 
20756 
25714 

29392 
40602 
21194 
22014 

28820 
38378 
20875 

26048 



77562 



822917 



Expenses. 



Amount Rate. 



£ 

1221 
1249 
1417 
1427 
1547 
1845 
2095 
2465 
2949 
2967 
3369 



970 
1035 
1028 
1122 

1218 
1201 
1302 
1340 

1642 
1600 
1594 
1546 

1737 
1844 
1600 
1657 



3911 



48898 



s. a. 



2g 

3f 
B| 

4 
44 

6| 



1 6§ 

1 5§ 

i m 

1 2 



1 1§ 

10g 

i n 

1 2 

o 113 

9f 

1 3 
1 04 



1 2g 

111 

1 61 

1 3i 



1 



Less Loss 

Leaves Net Profit. 



Net Profit. 



Net Loss. 



Amount Rate. 



£ 



482 

691 



210 

954 

88 

830 

323 

1298 

718 

320 

147 
1499 

718 



2563 
333 
404 



1437 



14087 



8470 



5617 



a. 



409 43 
336 3| 
327 34 



23 

21 



2| 
94 
1| 
lOg 

3J 
104 
81 

s 



2 



1| 
82 
8| 



1 4 
33 
3| 



41 



1| 



Amount 



2 

25 

212 

12S4 
2294 
4193 



267 
193 



8470 



Rate. 



0J 
II 

114 

1 5| 

2 m 



Stocks 
at ena. 



4407 

5242 

6275 

6112 

8450 

12277 

11463 

11)761 

12958 

13166 

13655 



15189 
11622 
16168 
15608 

18666 
14936 
18457 
18479 

26105 

17882 
25473 
21 24444 

14 27652 
21993 
25846 
25184 



21341 



Note. — To June, 1895, inclusive, the figures incluae Broughton Clothing Factory, now 
separately stated in Productive Accounts. 



00 



MANCHESTER BOOT AND SHOE TRADE. 

Since commencing to keep a separate Account. 
IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Ye^r or Period ended. Sales. 



Year ended :— 

January, 1874 (1 quarter) 

1875 

1876 

1877 (53 week si 

1878 

1879 

December, 1879 (50 weeks) 

1880 

1881 

1882 

1883 

1884 (53 weeks! 

1885 

1886 

1887 

lsss 

1889 (53 week's'i 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



5506 
372. r >7 
53885 
57307 
58304 
59327 

55270 

62139 

71382 

76101 

86056 

99694 

106755 

121432 

126099 

139188 

163002 

L88530 

218180 

233097 

222497 

-32561 



Quarter ended: — 

March, 1895 64234 

June, „ 81333 

September, „ (14 weeks) 60915 

December, „ 62484 

March, 1896 73216 

June, „ 83108 

September, „ 57289 

December, „ 68276 

March, 1897 70688 

June, „ 86649 

September, ., 59396 

December, „ 62837 

March, 1898 66228 

June, „ 83604 

September, „ I 57706 

December, „ 67827 

Half Year ended : 

June, 1899 169368 



Expenses. 



Amount Rate. 



Net Profit. 



Amount Rate. 



204 
1129 
1326 

1811 
1975 
2192 

2135 
2387 

2492 
2583 

2882 
3150 
3596 
:;772 
4070 
4864 
5491 
5983 
7194 
9322 
9919 
10659 



2733 
2843 

2788 
2573 

2854 
2927 
2672 
2754 

2961 
3008 

2-:.:; 
3008 

2895 
3134 
2862 
2790 



8f 

7i 

5| 

Ih 

8$ 

83 

9J 

9& 

8| 

8k 

8 

7^ 

8 






<- 





n 





-- 





- 





7 





72 





'•'_ 



10§ 

102 



10| 
8g 
101 

o 9g 



i 

748 
775 
586 
786 
767 

752 
755 
842 
1246 
1261 
1586 
1395 
2767 
3083 
2940 
3772 
4957 
4958 
3044 
2817 
2476 



o log 

3| 
111 
93 



1262 

2131 

635 

1367 



s. d. 



6044 84 



37487J7 140835 9 67935 



Less Loss. 



327 



3J 

o 4 

2§ 

3§ 

3k 

3f 

3i 

5g 

5J 

5 

5§ 

o 6$ 

53 



835 3 

1791 5| 

1239 41 

1797 61 



9J 
8g 

o us 

93 1233 4i 



2176 7| 
2910 8S 



10 1179 4 

8J 2079 5J 

11* 918 3| 

1U 586 2i 



4i 

6" 

2| 

43 



3483 41 



Net Loss. 



Amount Rate. 



Stocks 
at end. 



s. d. 



327 



4715 
5197 
7711 
i;u-2 
7935 
10242 

10964 
11484 
11377 
12564 
12'..: J ,- 
16567 
16074 
16578 
19727 
22680 
24067 
32095 
36875 
52169 
50664 
56515 



58151 
52650 
55506 
56302 

66193 

59946 

li 59734 

52161 

61443 
55454 
61682 
59341 

71967 
62341 
56516 
52332 



50466 



327 



Leaves Net Profit 67608 



ii 



56 



MANCHESTER FUENISHING TEADE. 

Since commencing to keep a separate Account. 
IN YEARS TO 1894 ; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Expenses. 



Net Profit. 



i'ear or Period ended. Sales. 



Year ended :— M 

January, 1877 (27 weeks> 5944 

1878 15464 

1879 ! 17374 

December, 1879 (50 weeks) 18361 

1880 '24243 

1881 24844 

1882 29021 

1883 34804 

1884 (53 weeks) 44311 

1885 j 51238 

188G 62340 

1887 72932 

1888 85484 

1889 (53 weeks) 96163 

1890 122661 

1891 137106 

1892 i 142986 

„ 1893 142528 

1894 167721 



Quarter ended :— 

March, 1895 

Jure, „ 

September, „ (14 weeks) 
December, , 



March, 1896 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 



March, 1897 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 

March, 1898 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 



Half Year ended:- 

June, 1899 



40945 
47758 
46622 
56137 

51743 
56949 

52401 
67039 

57997 
65822 
55214 
66803 

56369 
64374 
54729 
76460 



133553 



Amount 



405 
984 
1185 
1108 
1317 
1293 
1515 
1878 
2253 
2415 
2657 
3497 
4755 
4952 
5389 
5993 
7559 
7993 
9225 



2471 
2529 
2671 
2689 

2688 
2742 
2757 
2974 

3078 
3141 
3071 
3277 

3173 
3253 
3185 
3368 



6595 



2346440 120035 1 0J 



Rate. 



s. d. 



3f 

n 

21 
1 

(M 
0A 

o| 





11| 

o io| 

111 

1 li 

1 0i 
10i 

10| 

1 o| 

i m 

1 H 



1 2g 
1 0| 

1 11 

H| 

1 01 

11A 

1 Of 

log 

1 01 

ni 

i n 

11| 

i n 
i o| 

1 11 

101 



llg 



Less Loss 

Leaves Net Profit. 



Amount 



65 

140 

60 

404 

171 

219 

423 

673 

893 

1129 

946 

546 

1436 

2351 

2048 

319 

344 

1421 



468 

723 

1359 

802 
1218 

557 
1667 

347 

1347 

313 

861 

268 
991 

654 
2453 



2578 



Rat: 



s. d. 



1 

1J 
Of 



30194 



147 



30047 3 



Net Loss. 



Amount Rate. 



32 

4| 

4J 

3 

If 

3.V 

4i 

3| 

0i 

0A 

2 



2i 
31 
53 



31 

5J 

2i 

51 

11 

4§ 

li 

3 

1| 

3J 

23 

78 



41 



52 



95 



s. d. 
2 



147 



Stocks 
at end. 



£ 

2571 
2286 
2421 

3524 

4307 

3971 

3630 

4274 

5433 

5817 

6041 

9497 

8548 

9770 

12930 

12567 

13455 

17683 

21775 



0A 23380 
23109 
16664 
19574 

19369 
19985 
19893 
19972 



20942 
22492 
22962 
22500 

22311 
23254 

22194 
22323 



21489 



Note. — From March quarter, 1893, to June quarter, 1895, inclusive, the results and Stocks 
include Broughton Cabinet Works. 



57 



NEWCASTLE BRANCH GROCERY AND 
PROVISION TRADE. 

Since commencing to keep a separate Account. 
IX YEARS TO 1894; IX QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Expenses. Net Prufit. Net Loss. 



Year or Period ended. Sales. 



Year ended :— £ 

January, 1877 (53 weeks) 529844 

1878 .-.417-::! 

„ 1879 ... 437597 

December, 1879 <50 weeks, 465108 

1880 

1881 703337 

188*2 795007 

1883 B71597 

1884 (53 week- 930803 

1885 930542 

1886 94'.»-7^ 

1887 90014s 

1888 1027528 

1889 (53 weeks) 1100451 

1890 117:i-70 

l-.'i 1431849 

1892 1564121 

1893 1589354 

1894 1521138 



Amount Rate. Amount Rate. Amount Rate. 



TTjT 
8213 

7402 

6823 
7868 
8921 
1 098 
10785 
11395 
12075 
12321 
14220 
14125 
14947 
15147 
16944 
18986 
■mi:, 
22288 



>. 


a. 


£ 


s. 


d. 





3* 


4531 





2 





Si 


4139 





1? 





3| 


3168 





ig 





31 


7234 










3£ 


4030 





n 



3 

3 

23 

3 

3 

3A 

3| 

3i 



3 

2^ 

2| 

Si 

3* 



9296 
8741 
10470 
12451 
14422 
18794 
11020 
19143 
1-421 
26496 
31480 
37"70 

24-31 



3| 

21 
3i 



3§ 

4i 

- 

4| 

4 

5i 

,-.i 

4* 

3| 



s. d. 



Stocks 
at end. 



i 34591 

22789 

4:<145 
4439-< 
5464 9 
65330 
55152 
65158 
53546 
71265 
59632 
65838 
55671 
42130 
54737 
60431 
57932 
48910 



Quarter ended:— 

March, 1895 366270 5609 3| 

June, „ 396302 5813 3i 

September, ., illweeksi 438437 6161 3| 

December, „ 454002 5995 3| 

March, 1896 418791 6141 Sh 

June. „ 418527 6032 3| 

September, 439780 7166 3g 

December, „ 504031 7507 3; 

March, 1897 444427 7933 4| 

June. „ 447756 7743 4g 

September, ., 489459 7807 * 3§ 

December, ., 548141 8654 3| 

March, 189S 496422 8634 4£ 

June, „ 489795 8095 3§ 

September, „ 505604 8198 3£ 

December, „ 616613 8682 3£ 



6899 
7440 

-730 
9262 

10067 
6555 

7725 
10139 

7257 
7)22 
7468 
7745 

9120 
7367 

7071 
15936 



4i 

4l 

4| 

o 4 

5f 

3| 

4§ 

4| 

3| 

33 

3| 

m 



6i 



45779 

42263 
57142 
46719 

55506 
47185 
52782 

66589 

53964 
54703 
65692 

59741 

568:36 
50456 
72981 

69515 



Half Year ended :— 

June, 1899 106S590 



17709 



3i 



1747'J 



3i 



26686972 370509 3g 450227 4 



B7607 



53 



NEWCASTLE BRANCH DRAPERY 


AND 


WOOLLENS 


TRADE. 




Since commencing to keep a separate Account. 




IN YEARS TO 1894 ; IN QUARTERS 


OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 






Expenses. 


Net Pj 


tOEIT. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Year or Period ended. 


Sales. 












Amount. 


Rate. Amount. 


Rate. 




Year ended :— 


£ 


£ 


s. a. 


* 


s. a. 


£ 


January 1877 (53 weeks) . . 

1878 

1879 


39896 
4! (559 
44161 

44674 
55979 

69081 
84457 
99354 
118345 
142701 
152433 
144713 
161974 
185443 
23-2360 
251466 
241003 
259957 
293930 


1728 
2211 
2159 

2153 
2494 
2656 
2975 

3387 
3983 
4598 
5342 
5868 
5973 
6515 
6850 
7500 
7796 
9573 
9730 


o log 

10§ i 

11| j 

o Hi 

lOg 
94 

8| 
84 
8 
7g 
81 
9| 
8§ 
8g 
7 
o 7i 
Ti 
8| 
71 


796 
999 
612 

871 
2206 
2339 
3656 
4499 
4503 
6906 
7562 
5845 
6373 
7600 
10588 
10886 
9731 
9829 
12641 


42 
4§ 
31 

4g 

o n 

8| 
101 
10f 
9i 
Hi 
HI 
91 
91 
91 

o log 
o log 

9§ 

9 

10i 


11525 

11635 
10463 

11590 
16171 
16075 
15754 
16594 
18906 
24064 
28645 
25537 
30177 
32799 
33216 
35964 
3^570 
40770 
40826 


December, 1879 (50 weeks i .. 

1880 

1881 

1882 


1883 

1884 (53 weeks) . . 

1885 

1886 

1887 

1888 

1889 (53 weeks) . . 

1890 

1891 

1«92 

1893 


1894 


Quarter ended:— 














March, 1895 


67954 
83208 
70999 
83287 

78185 
88553 
76473 
94463 

90788 

107270 

82900 

95796 


2471 
2527 
2550 
2537 

2715 
2639 
2708 

2897 

3264 
3500 
3447 
3613 


8§ 
71 
8s 
7J 

8| 
74 
81 
7J 

81 
7| 
9J 
9 


2473 
4360 
3184 
4152 

2822 
4681 
3003 
3402 

4051 
6289 
2809 
4525 


8§ 

1 0i 
lOf 
o 11| 

8| 

1 0| 
91 
8| 

10| 

1 2 
8i 
Hi 


45238 
36154 
43772 
48361 

54261 
45377 
54731 
53110 

58550 
56074 
66367 
63508 


September, „ (14 weeks). . . . 
December, „ 


March, 1896 






March, 1897 

June, ,, 




December, „ 


March, 1898 


98121 

105979 

87551 

117224 


3749 
3616 
3465 
3685 


9| 
84 
9| 
7| 


4060 
6023 
3710 
6385 


101 

1 If 

104 

1 1 


66320 
57089 
65568 
63296 


September, ,, 




Half Year ended :— 


June, 1899 


244169 


8208 


8 


13006 


1 Of 


66783 




4339406 


151082 


8i 


187377 


101 



59 



NEWCASTLE BRANCH BOOT AND SHOE 

TEADE. 

Since commencing to keep a separate Account. 
IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Expenses. 



Year or Period ended. 



Quarter ended :— 

March, 1895 

June, „ 

September, „ (14 weeks) 
December, „ 

March, 1896 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March, 1897 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, , 

March, 1898 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

Half Year ended:— 

June, 1899 



Sales. 



Year ended: — £ 

January, 1877 (53 weeks i 25379 

„ ' 1878 28425 

1879 28375 

December, 1879(50 weeks) 27708 

1880 34968 

1881 42991 

1882.. i 54487 

1883 65501 

1884 (53 weeks i 75064 

18a5 89117 

1886 97148 

1887 91029 

1888 ■ 101272 

1889 (53 weeks) 90528 

1890 113149 

1891 124707 

1892 125484 

1893 127479 

1894 131414 



29370 
39716 
33923 
36744 

34451 
36535 
34988 
40421 

36972 
41889 
35197 
37266 

36905 
43474 
38714 
45669 



103061 



Amount Rate. 



£ 

649 
760 
880 

935 
1276 
1307 
1527 
1955 
2408 
2783 
3646 
3929 
3978 
3570 
3753 
3871 
4064 
4893 
4701 



1172 
1271 
1212 

1259 

1229 
1165 
1217 
1215 

1294 

1487 
1432 
1525 

1481 
1526 
1481 
1534 



3185 



2179460 75570 



s. a. 

6i 

6| 

7| 



8 

8| 

7* 

6§ 

n 

7§ 

7g ; 

o 9 ; 

o ioi ; 

9§ 

9j 

75 

7g 

73 



9| 

8* 



9k 

7| 

8* 

C 

8£ 

7§ 

8i 

74 

8g 

84 

9| 

9| 

9| 

8g 

9| 

8 



7s 



Net Profit. 



Loss. 



Amount Rate. Amount Rate. 



8i 



£ B. a. 

406 33 

690 5| 

310 2| 



45294 



357 
649 
938 
1336 
1890 
1917 
2195 
1619 
1173 
1547 
1236 
2299 
3127 
2631 
2156 
2245 



290 

860 

1345 

1366 

673 

959 

993 

1324 

517 

966 
630 
648 

321 

823 

936 

1336 



2586 



5i 

51 

64 

64 

5£ 



3| 
34 

45 



2i 

54 

91 

8| 

4| 

61 

6| 

73 

3J 

5* 

41 

44 



6 



4i 



s. a. 



Stocks 
at ena. 



1505 
2242 
3179 

4681 
5971 
4645 
6561 
5817 
8266 
11319 
13442 
13974 
14483 
12463 
11870 
12628 
15567 
18139 
17770 



19041 
18604 
22122 
20680 

21558 
21758 
19973 
20059 

23739 
21099 
22539 
20171 

20848 
22449 
21950 
20131 



21015 



Note. — To December, 1888, the figures incluae Furnishing Department. 



60 



NEWCASTLE BEANCH FUENISHING 

TRADE. 

Since commencing to keep a separate Account. 
IN YEARS TO 1894 ; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Year or Period ended. 



Year ended :— 

December, 1889 (53 weeks) 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Sales. 



Quarter ended :— 

1895 

., (14 weeks) 



March, 
June, 

September, 
December, 



March, 1896. 

June, „ . 

September, „ . 
December, „ . 



March, 

June, 

September, 

December, 

March, 
June, 

September, 
December, 



1897. 



1898. 



Half year ended:— 

June, 1899 



49078 
89409 
99241 
81965 
86923 
106345 



21003 
30574 
27566 
32290 

-Tir.-j 
33866 
31807 
38021 

33046 
40127 
35102 
41451 

33750 
41259 
40755 
54646 



112242 



Expenses. 



Amount Rate. 



£ 

2736 
3551 
4220 
4187 
5667 
6106 



1511 
1682 
1663 
1671 

1731 

1735 
1808 
1795 

1762 
1956 
2011 

2257 



1187618 62402 



s. d. 

1 12 

9l 

104 

1 oj 

1 3| 

1 1| 



5J 

2| 
Of 



1 3J 
1 Oi 

1 1§ 

11| 

1 01 

111 

1 1§ 

1 1 



Less Loss 

Leaves Net Profit. 



Net Profit. 



Net Loss. 



I 
Amount Rate. Amount Rate 





- 


2207 
2261 
2320 
2422 


1 3| 

1 1| 

1 if 
lOg 


5143 


101 



1 0A 



2499 
2178 
1224 
155 
1605 



616 
370 
380 

491 

943 

9 

906 



853 

24 

1007 

330 
1186 

923 
1635 



2745 



20966 
413 



6§ 

5| 

Si 

0| 

3* 



4| 

3f 

2| 

4i 

6§ 

0"'5| 

61 

5 

Oi 

5f 

21 

61 

5| 

71 



51 



112 



04 



301 



31 



413 



Stocks 
at end. 



£ 

6636 
10474 
12002 
11833 
13261 
13377 



14896 
14474 
14956 
16120 

17407 

17884 
17877 
18974 

19905 
20409 
21964 
20746 

21571 
22370 
22438 
22455 



23531 



20553 



a 



61 



LONDON BEANCH GROCERY TRADE. 

Since commencing to keep a separate Account. 
IN YEARS TO 1894 ; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1891. 



Year or Period ended. 



Sales. 



Expenses. 



Net Profit. 



Year ended :— 

January, 



December, 



1875 (3 quarters) . . 

1876 

1877 (53 weeks) . . 

1878 

1879 

1879 (50 weeks) . . 

1880 

1881 

1882 

1883 

1884 (53 week si .. 

1885 

1886 

1887 

1888 

1889 (53 weeks) . . 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Quarter ended 



March, 1895 

June, „ 

September, „ (14 weeks | . . . . 
December, „ 

March, 1896 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March, 1897 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March, 1898 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 



Half Year ended :— 

June, 1899 . 



72385 
130752 
184879 
210415 
216314 

232660 

274965 

289748 

296767 

337753 

375963 

445876 

527904 

652882 

739279 

848378 

893470 

1122798 

120(1449 

1227494 

1236372 



287697 
305080 
356941 

382327 

337266 
341050 
379477 
4a3394 

363346 
383048 
417762 
467376 

395028 
402451 

426826 
502200 



853924 



Amount. Rate. Amount. Rate. 



1542 

2365 
3026 

32S3 
33*1 

3570 

4066 

5310 

5001 

5441 

6233 

7485 

8463 

11336 

14028 

15176 

17020 

20910 

23790 

25155 

26626 



6917 
6790 
7296 

7587 

7395 
7579 
7876 
8589 

9049 

8976 

9264 

10216 

9662 

9294 

9413 

10323 



19249 



s. 


d. 










*f 



33 

3| 

3f 

3| 

3i 



32 



32 

4| 

4i 

4| 

4j 

4| 

4g 

4; 

II .-; 



5| 

5i 

4| 

4| 

5| 

5i 

45 

4| 

5£ 

5i 

5| 

5§ 

5f 

5* 

5| 

4i 



52 



567 
1584 
4182 
2320 
2388 

5239 

3559 

2149 

3776 

4630 

5062 

9101 

9719 

—:]'.< 

9377 

10667 

12668 

11438 

13533 

11568 

15589 



5258 

5096 
5008 
7077 

7052 
3617 
5207 
7463 

5644 
3683 
5377 
5380 

6110 
5669 
4198 
9120 



16333 



s. d. 

If 

2| 

5| 

,. 

2§ 

5| 

3| 

If 

3 

31 

3i 

4| 

4g 

3J 





a 




21 
21 
3 



3 
3 
33 



Stocks 
at end. 



7315 

7219 

12668 

10511 

, 8489 

13594 
20789 

7394 
10636 
13282 
18869 
24256 
24739 
47319 
41562 
44017 
57347 
75578 
73398 
64854 
54454 



43 40798 

4 I 35098 

31 53564 

4| 45828 

5 ! mm 

2i 374-0 



31 

4J 

3| 

2i 

3 

2f 

3| 

3| 

2i 

4i 



4? 



4 — 1 
61833 

48183 
46407 
69753 
75265 

60607 
51312 
72887 
67943 



57015 



18558696 368682 



4| 255247 3\ 



62 



LONDON BRANCH DEAPEEY & WOOLLENS 

TEADE. 

Since commencing to keep a separate Account. 
IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Sales. 



Expenses. 



Year or Period ended. 



Drapery 

and 
Wooll'ns 



Year ended :— 

December, 1880 (2 q'rters) 1057 

1881 1 3658 

1882 16936 

1883 21754 

1884 (53 weeks) 29003 



6500 
13448 
16629 
17983 
19826 
1885 40448 | 22324 



1886 ' 53749 



1887 

1888 

1889 (53 weeks) 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Quarter ended :— 

March, 1895 

June, „ 

September, „ (14 weeks) 
December, „ 

March, 1896 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March, 1897 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March, 1898 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, ,, 

Half Year ended :— 



June. 



1899. 



63224 

77888 
61455 
670H4 
78583 
85801 
83106 
89552 



20707 

•J4475 
24131 
32648 

30293 

3310* 
28676 
36912 

30896 
36417 
30944 
4004(3 

33565 
34314 
29765 
43401 



83097 



1376193 



26090 
19191 



Boots 

and Total. Amount Rate. 
Shoes. 



8157 
26006 
32565 
39737 
48829 
62772 
79839 
82415 
77888 
61455 
67084 
78583 
85801 
83106 
89552 



20707 
24475 
24131 
32648 

30293 
33108 
28676 
36912 

30896 
36417 
30944 

40046 

33565 

34314 
29765 
43401 



83097 



312 
1268 
1636 
2412 
2807 
3554 
4529 
5530 
6901 
6050 
5317 
5752 
6609 
6725 
6797 



1763 
1820 
1917 
2048 

2244 
2401 
2471 

2453 

2599 
2616 
2675 

2903 

3095 
2905 

2858 
3250 



6981 



140991 1517184 113198 



Amount. 



Stocks 
at end. 



Profit Less. Rate. 



s. d. 

9| 
US 



o 
2§ 
If 
1| 

4 

9i 



1 1H 
1 7 



s. d. 



36 
149 
312 
286 

532 
684 
776 



21 



191 
1513 
2959 
1902 

7 
137 
453 



241 



529 

93 

444 

606 
551 

442 



If 

2| 

2 : . 

2| 

0A 

45 

o m 

o 6| 

o' OS 

1| 

o oi 



3805 

7054 

9524 

10011 

9977 

11502 

13713 

14967 

19484 

18189 

12607 

18030 

19147 

20367 

18486 



1 8i 
1 5§ 

266 



66 

491 

79 



1 10J 327 

1 84 793 

l 11 247 

1 52 1082 



1 8h 1483 



195 21 18805 

5k 17201 

01 19799 

31 21859 

4| 28660 

35 25072 

171 11 29078 

2f 28547 

Oh 32176 

3J 26989 

0i 31660 

1: 29245 

21 35086 

54 30718 

1| 37009 

51 32147 



41 38485 



1 57 10515 7528 



Less Loss 7528 

Leaves Net Profit 



2987 



03 



Note.— To September, 1887, and March, 1889, Boot and Shoe and Furnishing figures 

included respectively. 



63 



LONDON BEANCH BOOT AND SHOE 

TRADE. 

Since commencing to Itcep a separate Account. 
IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Yeab or Period ended. 



Sales. 



Expenses. 



Net Profit. 



Amount Rate. Amount 



.Rate. 



Net Loss. 



Amount Rate. 



Stocks 
at end. 



Year ended :— 

December, 1887 (13 weeks) 

1888 

1889 (53 weeks) 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Quarter ended:— 

March, 1895 

June, „ 

September, „ (14 weeks) 
December, , 



March, 1896 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 



March, 1897 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 

March, 1898 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 



Half Year ended :- 

June, 1899 



7155 
30103 
32653 
355:i7 
41249 
46444 
45957 
52120 



11344 
15560 
14184 
16116 

15188 
16606 
16009 
18698 

15582 

19797 
15679 
16470 

13785 

17603 
13988 
18966 



38159 



584942 



323 
1593 
1791 
1933 
2317 
2978 
3315 
3219 



836 
919 
886 
880 

905 

985 
991 
949 

1029 

in-:: 
1147 
1132 

1150 
1127 
1127 
1138 



2418 



3C201 



s. a. 
o io§ 



of 
il 
i 
il 



i m 



51 

aa 



1 5| 

1 2§ 

1 2g 

1 1 



2£ 

2* 
23 

OS 

3f 

li 



1 3| 



Less Profit 

Leaves Net Loss. 



89 



165 
24 



305 
636 
148 

50 

316 

97 



266 



299 



3156 



01 



1 

01 



4| 

o ioi 

2g 

0| 

ih 

o if 

6± 



1 5h 
1 4§ 


27 


•• 
0| 


1 8 
1 31 

1 71 

1 2| 


17 

228 


o"o| 

0*2S 



li 



£ 

47 

55 



412 



307 
i60 

194 
271 



3160 



3156 



U 

0"03 



566 





2g 


732 





3§ 


416 


o 


« 



3891 

4884 

6305 

6051 

7337 

12194 

10718 

10730 



8| 10880 
12011 
11165 
11182 

12255 
12066 
12135 
13380 

4g 13283 
13915 

2| 16491 
16340 

31 14492 
13930 

4g 13903 
14285 



13170 



64 



LONDON BEANCH FURNISHING TRADE. 



Since commencing to keep a separate Account. 



IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Expenses. 



Year or Period ended. Sales. 



Year ended:— 

December, 1889 (40 weeks) 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Quarter ended 



March, 

June, 

September, 

Deceuil/<.-r, 



1895 



(14 weeks) 



March, 189G 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 

March, 1897 , 
June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March, 1898 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 



Half Year ended:— 

June, 1899 



£ 

22084 
31873 
40983 
41016 
38347 
41544 



9430 
11831 
11503 
14271 

13441 
15286 
13490 
19468 

15952 
19437 
16077 
1H836 

15961 
17175 
14691 
20315 



3913E 



Net Profit. 



Amount Rate. Amount Rate. 



£ 

1805 
2682 
3056 
3489 
3576 
3651 



3118 



s. d. 

1 7J 

1 8* 

1 5g 

1 8f 

l 108 

1 9 



987 2 1 

987 1 8 

1009 1 9 

1059 1 5f 

1052 1 6f 

1113 1 5| 

1147 1 8£ 

1322 1 4J 

1361 | 1 8| 

1397 1 5| 

1460 1 9| 

1442 1 6g 

1415 1 91 

1490 1 85 

1396 1 lOf 

1584 1 62 



1 7 



502146 41598 1 72 



Less Profit 

Leaves Net Loss 



s. d. 



133 





21 


183 


o' 


3 


81 

271 






11 

44 


100 





li 


32 





03 
U 8 


163 





'li 


185 





H 



1148 



Net Loss. 



Amount Rate. 



Stocks 
at end. 



333 
619 
318 
196 
647 
361 



137 
3i2 

317 



141 
169 



6717 



1148 



5569 



3A 



i/ 



o i| 

4 
2 



1| 
3| 

0"61 



5£ 



20 

404 0J 

629 43 

2114 9g 



2 2| 
"2| 



21 



£ 

4526 
3957 
4693 
5761 
7362 
8201 



8865 
8295 
7930 
8604 

8753 

9625 

10017 

10672 

12895 
13130 
12656 
10917 

11263 
11113 
11577 
11002 



10476 



a: s> 



65 



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EH 

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66 



CBUMPSALL BISCUIT 

Since commencing to 
IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS 



Year or Pkriod ended. 



Net 
Supplies. 



Year ended:— 

January, 



1874(1 quarter) 

1875 

1876 

1877 (53 weeks) 

1878 

1879 



December, 1879 (50 weeks) 

1880 

1881 

1882 

1883 

1884 (53 weeks) 

1885 

1886 

1887 

1888 

1889 (53 weeks) 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Quarter ended :- 



March, 1895 

June, „ 

September, „ (14 weeks) 
December, „ 



March, 1896 
June, „ 

* September „ 
December, „ 



March, 1897 



2987 
13189 
13664 
15866 
18018 
17553 

16623 
19153 
20122 
21632 
21897 
21549 
21479 
23534 
28314 
32079 
42081 
51916 
68561 
70697 
86159 
96105 



23592 
21919 
31607 
23135 

26731 
25767 
16441 
14023 

12394 



Half Year ended :— 

September, 1897 29029 

March, 1898 j 31016 

September, „ 41518 

December, „ (1 quarter) 23974 

June, 1899 48752 



Expenses. 



Pro- 
duction. 



1093076 



2878 
13124 
13392 
16065 
18126 
17289 

16454 
19069 
20274 
21578 
21712 
21565 
21830 
22885 
29100 
32155 
42836 
54197 
70942 
75580 
84531 
96511 



18011 
15798 
40337 
24325 

20496 
18396 
14552 
13394 

12109 



31809 

31661 
38328 
23795 

47444 



Sundry. 



604 
2190 
2515 
3282 
2672 
2798 

2852 

2985 

3056 

3095 

3228 

3841 

4794 

5815 

6371 

6616 

7483 

9431 

11874 

13656 

14378 

16087 



3832 
4030 
5305 
4256 

4300 
4167 
3501 
3467 

3533 



8383 

8291 
8580 
4997 

10488 



S3S. i "—* 



1082548 206753 



60 
323 
324 
398 
444 
481 

532 

572 

576 

578 

589 

665 

786 

897 

1278 

1364 

1375 

1394 

1778 

2038 

2057 

2228 



558 
559 
559 
563 

564 
565 
467 

454 

462 



944 

1345 

1439 

720 

1456 



31392 



87 
495 
371 
441 

500 
481 

447 
429 
429 
401 
408 
430 
454 
529 
745 
862 
929 
957 
1312 
1728 
1708 
1665 



436 
375 
430 
394 

389 
296 
215 
191 

207 



424 

662 
668 
308 

577 



21380 



Total. 



751 
3008 
3210 
4121 
3616 
3760 

3831 

3986 

4061 

4074 

4225 

4936 

6034 

7241 

8394 

8842 

9787 

11782 

14964 

17422 

18143 

19980 



4826 
4964 
6294 
5213 

5253 
5028 
4183 
4112 

4202 



9751 

10298 

10087 

G025 

12521 



259525 



* Note.— Dry Soap and Preserves transferred to Irlam and Middleton respectively. 



67 



WORKS TRADE. 

keep a separate Account. 

OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Rate on Production. Net Profit. 



Net Loss. 



Year or Period ended. 



Percent. Peri'. Amount J* ate . Amount Rate , 

per ±. per ±. 



Year ended: 

January, 



1874 (1 quarter) 

1875 

1876 

1877 (53 weeks) 

1878 

1879 



December, 1879 (50 weeks i 

1880 

1881 

1882 

1 v s'i 

1884 (53 weeks) 

1885 

1886 

1887 

\B8B 

1889 (53 weeks) 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



£ s. d. 

26 1 10 

22 18 5 

23 19 5 
25 13 
19 18 11 
21 15 



23 5 
20 18 

20 

18 17 

19 9 
22 17 

27 12 
31 12 

28 16 10| 
27 9 11* 

22 16 llf 

21 14 9| 
21 1 lOg 

23 1 0J 
21 9 3J 

20 14 0* 



Quarter ended :— 

March, 1895 26 15 10§ 

June, „ 31 8 5| 

September, ., (14 weeks i 15 12 0| 

December, „ 21 8 7| 

March, 1896 25 12 7 

June, „ 27 6 7| 

♦September, 28 14 10| 

December, „ 30 14 

March, 1897 34 14 0J 



Half Year ended :— 

September, 1897 30 13 



14 



March, 1898 32 10 6g 

September, „ 27 17 7| 

December, „ (1 quarter) 25 6 



June, 



1899 



26 7 



9| 



s. d. 

5 2* 

4 7 

4 9* 

5 1* 

3 111 

4 4| 



3 10| 

4 6| 

5 6i 

6 31 
5 9i 
5 51 

6§ 
4i 



li 



41 
3| 
11 
3§ 

1* 

5* 



6 Hi 



6 1* 



Qg 

Si 



15 
228 
712 
630 
514 
1518 

1004 

9as 

887 
1498 
2081 
2030 
1491 



1274 
39 
3281 
3496 
8401 
6309 



1944 
1177 
4083 
1810 

671 

967 

1080 

57 



49 



6 6 

5 61 8235 



2400 

5426 



s. d. 



li 




4| 




1 0| 




9g 




6| 




1 9 




1 2| 




1 0* 




10* 




i n 




i ii 




1 10* 




i 4 





7J 
0| 
llf 
8g 

6§ 

1 3| 



1 3| 
01 



0| 



1 6§ 

2 



2 23 



s. d. 



61 

3 

222 



0* 



595 



1425 



11* 



11 



Stocks 
at end. 



1678 
2029 
1538 
2867 
2961 
2506 

2335 

1793 

2105 

1703 

1896 

2129 

3534 

4207 

5518 

7633 

9411 

12712 

22353 

28264 

26454 

26409 



20469 
15611 
27682 
28905 

20252 

11252 

7081 

7715 

9624 



12924 

13293 
11411 
1172.3 

10314 



23 19 5| 4 9* 52289 



Less Loss 



2306 



Leaves Net Profit.. 49983 101 



2306 



* Note. — Dry Soap and Preserves transferred to Irlam and Middleton respectively. 



68 



LEICESTER BOOT AND 

Since commencing to 
IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS 


Year or Period ended. 




Expenses. 


Net 
Supplies. 


duction. 


Sundry. 


Depre- 
ciation. 


Interest. , 


Total. 


Year ended:— 

January, 1874 (1 quarter) 
„ 1875 


£ 

3422 
29456 


£ 

5190 
38684 


£ 

1281 
10047 
16936 
20631 
23357 
25902 

28016 
29866 
32682 
36388 
33868 
39237 
39846 
44731 
45895 
53206 
65998 
81461 
89350 

109811 
90741 

100218 

26480 
28154 
26294 
24875 
29063 
26444 
22491 
27157 

62254 
56716 
54960 
46900 
64611 


£ 

6 

36 

124 

246 
416 
424 

417 

444 

448 

495 

511 

838 

1077 

1104 

1120 

1124 

1236 

1140 

995 

3755 

4639 

4821 

1227 
1253 
1289 
1290 
1326 
1342 
1342 
1354 

2763 
2784 
2786 
2812 
2813 


£ 

29 
342 
543 
780 
1023 
998 

945 
1241 
1087 
1113 
1040 
1267 
1315 
1244 
1230 
1381 
1633 
2134 
2679 
4364 
5633 
5278 

1422 
1370 
1468 
1277 
1311 
1278 
1330 
1318 

2501 
2582 
2613 
2248 
2262 


£ 

1316 
10425 
17603 
21657 
24796 
27324 

29378 
31551 
34217 
37996 
35419 
41342 
42238 
47079 
48245 
55711 
68867 
84735 
93024 
117930 
101013 
110317 

29129 
30777 
29051 
27442 
31700 
29064 
25163 
29829 

67518 
62082 
60359 
51960 
69686 


1876 


53687 53702 
62205 ■ 60104 
71140 67603 
73881 72939 

77476 77746 

84655 84429 

87607 89150 

99098 99517 

91986 90214 

107166 106333 

109464 107806 

122463 122703 


„ 1877 (53 weeks) 
1878 


1879 


December, 1879 (50 weeks) 
„ 1880 


1881 


1882 


1883 


„ 1884 (53 weeks) 
1885 


1886 


1887 


126417 
143488 


124324 
139955 


1888 


1889 (53 weeks) 
1890 


172267 
206499 


175712 
220763 


1891 


235410 230858 
256116 292383 
243296 222310 
258038 


1892 


1893 


„ 1894 


Quarter ended:— 

March, 1895 


69745 


64692 




85413 73515 
64867 64536 
51542 66137 
85167 79948 
78011 63901 
59937 53830 
59918 68852 

172495 i 169307 
124890 147019 
164583 137540 
118411 114724 
182018 171323 


September, „ (14 weeks) 


March, 1896 








Half Year ended:— 

June, 1897 




June, 1898 




June, 1899 




4032234 4013177 


1515867 


49797 


60279 


1625943 





69 



SHOE WOEKS TRADE. 

keep a separate Account. 

OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Year or Period ended. 



Year ended:— 



Rate on 
Production. 



Per cent. Per £. 



£ s. d. s. d. 



January, 1874 (1 quarter! 25 6 8 

1875 26 18 11 

1876 32 15 6 

1877 (53 weeks) 36 6 

1878 36 13 6 

1879 37 9 9 

December, 1879 (50 weeks) 37 15 8 

1880 37 7 4 

1881 38 8 8 

1882 38 3 5 

1883 39 5 2 

1884 (53 weeks) 38 17 7 

1885 39 3 7 

1886 38 7 4| 

1887 38 16 1| 

1888 39 16 1* 

1889 (53 weeks) 39 3 10* 

1890 38 7 Ti 

„ 1891 40 5 105 

1892 40 6 Bj 

„ 1893 45 8 9 

1894 43 3 9| 



Quarter ended: 



March, 1895 45 6k 

June, „ 41 17 3k 

September, „ (14 weeks) 45 3| 

December, „ 41 9 10| 

March, 1896 39 13 0k 

June, „ 45 9 7g 

September, „ 46 14 10J 

December. „ 43 6 5k 



Half Year ended:— 

June, 1897 39 17 6§ 

December, „ 42 4 6* 

June, 1898 43 17 8J 

December, „ 45 5 9g 

June, 1899 40 13 6 



Less Loss. 



~ 6§ 
7 5| 
7 8 
7 7* 
7 104 
7 9J 
7 10 
7 8 
7 94 
7 114 
7 10 

7 8 

8 0§ 

8 Of 

9 1 

- t; 



9 

8 4§ 

9 

8 3k 

7 11| 

9 H 

9 4| 

8 7| 



Net Profit. Net Loss. 



Amount 



7 11| 

8 5£ 

8 9i 

9 1 
8 1* 



584 
912 
886 
211 
1575 

1645 

452 
1649 

190 
3261 
3078 
6059 
6344 
6453 
8347 
8743 
2594 
4961 

9574 



2590 
4280 

365 
1254 
2258 
1939 
1422 

903 



40 10 31 8 14 



6645 
2222 
3214 
1242 
2338 

98193 



1588 



Rate. Amount Rate. 



s. a. 



3g 

4 

3k 

0| 

54 

5 

o"i§ 
s| 
0k 
7§ 
63 

11| 

1 
lOf 
11| 

o 104 
o ag 

4| 
0"8| 



8g ; 

1 
11 

5| 

6i : 

51 

5| 

34 



94 

4J 

4| 

2k 

3" 



Leaves Net Profit 96602 



5§ 



8 0k 



309 



1271 



03 



1J 



Stocks 
at ena. 



£ 

2579 

6466 

9186 

14131 

12922 

14515 

24733 
15772 
15594 
14192 
10384 
17800 
15752 
17738 
19116 
22496 
33965 
61935 
62980 
97381 
83812 
92078 





85337 




76550 




89206 




101621 




89440 


.. 


95079 




91618 




97688 



82064 
115125 
77560 
82995 
74707 



1588 



70 



HECKMONDWIKE BOOT, SHOE, 



Since 



IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS 



Year or Period ended. 



Works, 

Total 

Supplies. 



Boots and 
Shoes, 
Produc- 
tion. 



Expenses 
(Including Currying Department). 



Year ended:— 

December, 1880 (2quart'rs) 
„ 1881 

1882 

1883 

„ 1881 (53 weeks) 

1885 

„ 1886 

1887 

1888 

„ 1889 (53 weeks) 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Quarter ended:— 

March, 1895 

June, „ 

September, „ (14 weeks) 

December, „ 

March, 1896 

June, „ 

September, ,, 

December, „ 

March, 1897 



Half Year ended:— 

September, 1897 

March, 1898 

September, „ 

December, „ (1 quarter) 
June, 1899 



3060 
11151 
14602 
16661 
18215 
22666 
22231 
22519 
29307 
29815 
35135 
42919 
46198 
40679 
46843 



12533 

9750 

13219 

17209 

. 13288 

8836 

12504 

17218 

14111 



22891 
24H41 
18294 
18309 
26899 



631903 



3438 
11417 
15454 
16377 
18138 
23811 
23418 
19641 
22998 
22899 
28064 
34853 
39347 
36431 
36564 



10615 

9253 

11476 

14055 

10392 

6391 

9872 

12746 

12535 



19716 
24113 
18196 
11692 

23862 



547764 



Sundry, 



1057 

3592 

5041 

5435 

5924 

7832 

7867 

7110 

9371 

9155 

11036 

13903 

15155 

15256 

15986 



4480 
3941 
4956 
5195 
4910 
3488 
4801 
5535 
5881 



8756 
9692 
7840 
4967 
10543 



218705 



Depre- 
ciation. 



Interest. Total. 



16 

57 

66 

68 

94 

176 

267 

313 

488 

602 

719 

748 

784 

931 

1019 



265 
265 
266 
274 
275 
280 
292 
292 
296 



776 
937 
979 
486 

982 



13013 



30 
157 
183 
222 
220 
256 
405 
380 
588 
687 
797 
872 
926 
1154 
1217 



305 
316 
345 
273 
276 
296 
294 
274 
283 



595 
623 
699 
313 
605 



13591 



1103 

3806 

5290 

5725 

6238 

8264 

8539 

7803 

10447 

10444 

12552 

15523 

16865 

17341 

18222 



5050 
4522 
5567 
5742 
5461 
4064 
5387 
6101 
6460 



10127 

11252 

9518 

5766 

12130 



245309 



71 



AND CUEEYING TRADE, 



Commencement. 



OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Year or Period ended. 



Year ended :— 



Boots and Shoes 
Expensks. 
Rat; 
Production. 



WORKS. 



Net Profit. 



Per cent. Per £. Amount 



£ s. d. 



Quarter ended :— 

March, 1895 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 
March, 1896 
June, „ 

September, „ 
December, 



(1-1 weeks) 



March, 



1897 13 12 li 



December,1880(2quart'rs) 32 1 7 

1881 33 6 8 

1882 31 4 8 

1883 34 19 11 

1884 (53 weeks) 34 7 10 

1885 34 14 1 

1886 36 9 3J 

1887 37 10 3J 

1888 35 3 10| 

1889 (53 weeks) 35 10 8| 

1890 34 15 9i, 

1891 36 1 9§ 

1892 35 15 10 

1893 39 18 7J 

1894 40 14 8& 



40 3 4| 

39 19 6£ 

39 14 6i 
34 H 
43 6 
49 18 
45 16 6i 

40 17 0^ 



0| 

7" 



Half Year ended : 



September, 1897 43 14 1£ 

March. 1898 40 1 1| 

September, „ 42 16 10§ 

December, „ il quarter) 40 14 10| 

June, 1899 42 11 61 



s. d. 

6 42 
6 8 
6 10J 
6 111 
6 10* 

6 111 

7 3£ 
7 6" 
7 0g 
7 li 

6 111 

7 2* 

7 l| 

7 111 

8 li 



11* 

9* 

7| 

H 

2 



If 



294 

•J-7 

261 

375 

237 

1021 

1922 

1398 

3280 

2017 

1132 

1200 



968 

lios 



353 
211 
403 
102 



Rate. 



s. d. 



Net Loss. 



Amount Rate. 



4* 

4 

2* 
8i 
3S 
94 
6i 



103 

o si 

6i 



1 11| 
1 "3i 



3| 

2| 

si 

Oi 



181 
608 
163 



119 
i67 

1253 
791 
138 
612 

1497 



246 



s. d. 

1 0| 

1 Of 

3| 



2J 
0"3 

l'io* 

1 9| 

25 
8* 

2 11 



2h 



Stocks 
at end. 



2473 

2238 

4016 

3950 

3506 

5314 

6869 

5382 

10863 

10280 

11325 

14594 

15875 

19487 

18260 



19835 
21444 
21959 
20711 
23504 
21100 
20901 
17481 
15858 



16722 
16108 
19768 
15703 

17867 



38 5 3§ 7 7| 16566 



Less Loss 



5775 



Leaves Net Profit . 10791 4 



5775 



72 



■<-=> 
eg 
U 

3 

03 

-t-=> 
c3 

02 



Hi 

P B 

£1 



p 



o 

- 

b • 

o 

W X 

M s 

H Si 

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74 



DUEHAM SOAP WORKS SUPPLIES, 

Since 



Year ok Quarter ended. 



From January, 1875, to December, 
1889 (inclusive),!.! years 11 months 

Year ended:— 



December, 1890 
1891 
1892 
1893 
1894 
1895 

Quarter ended: 

March, 1896.... 



Works closed 
March 26th, 1896. 



Net Pro- 

Supplies, duction. 



Expenses. 



Sundry. 



Deprecia- Interest 
tion. 



£ £ 

214496 216091 



28456 
33432 
33981 
37900 
37684 
32165 



5706 



423820 



28318 
32303 
32528 
37716 
35759 
32453 



4744 
419912 



£ 
15582 



1800 
1869 
1842 
1974 
2118 
2032 



314 



£ 
4472 



327 
173 
172 
173 
176 
179 



£ 
4911 



255 
269 
268 
218 
263 
296 



52 



50 



27531 



5724 



6530 



Total. 



£ 
24965 



2382 
2311 
2282 
2365 
2557 
2507 



416 



39785 



IELAM SOAP 

Since 
QUARTEELY OR 



Period. 



Net 
Supplies 



Produc- 
tion. 



Expenses. 



Sundry. 



B ?£Z C[ '\ Interest, 
ation. 



Total. 



Quarter ended :— 

September, 1895 (7 weeks) 

December, „ 

March, 1896 '. 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

Half Year ended:— 

June, 1897 

December, „ 

June, 1898 

December, „ 

June, 1899 



4496 
22503 
20319 
25609 
28616 
26548 



55133 
75344 
77739 
93023 
99539 

528869 



11161 
21230 
22511 
25372 
27519 
27750 



55254 
76927 
77276 
87570 
105560 

538130 



796 
2801 
2894 
3078 
3026 
3258 



7890 
10281 

9753 
10215 
11801 

65793 



197 
610 
664 
675 
681 
710 



1505 
1797 
1986 
2200 
2312 

13337 



186 
470 
542 
622 
642 
622 



1286 
1399 
1535 
1600 
1637 

10541 



1179 
3881 
4100 
4375 
4349 
4590 



10681 
13477 
13274 
14015 
15750 

89671 



75 



EXPENSES, PROFIT, AND STOCKS. 

Commencing. 


Year or Quarter ended. 


Rate on Production. 


A 


Net Profit. 


Net Loss. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Per cent. Per £. 


mount. Rate. 

1 


Amount. 


Rate. 


Prom January, 1875, to Decem- 
ber, 1889 (inclusive), 14 years 
11 months 


£ s. d. s. d. 
11 11 0| 2 3| 

8 8 22 1 8J 
7 3 Og 1 5g 
7 3g 1 4f 

6 5 4| 13 

7 3 0| I 5§ 

7 14 6 16* 

8 15 U 1 9 


£ 
2680 

733 

1248 
2316 
2192 
2366 

2878 

535 


s. d. 

2| 

6& 

8£ 

1 4J 

1 11 
1 3 
1 9| 

1 ioa 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 
4938 

5097 
5694 
3251 
3051 
6400 
3755 

2046 


Year ended:— 

December, 1890 

„ 1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 

1895 

Quarter ended:— 

March, 1896 


Works closed 
March 26th, 1896. 






9 9 5| 1 10| 


14948 


8g 








WORKS TRADE. 

Commencement. 

HALF YEARLY ACCOUNTS. 


Period. 


Rate on Production. 


Net Profit. 


Net Loss. 




Per cent. , Per £. 


Amoun 


i Rate. 


Amount 


Rate. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Quarter ended: — 

September, 1895 (7 weeks). . 


£ s. d. s. d. 

10 11 31 | 2 U 

18 5 71 3 71 
18 4 3i 3 7| 
17 4 log a si 


£ 

il43 
1099 

1781 
2362 
2580 

3316 
4235 
4596 
5311 

5265 


s. d. 

i"o§ 

i o| 

1 4| 
1 71 
1 111 

1 2| 

1 11 
1 2i 

1 11 
1 0| 


£ 

774 


s. d. £ 

3 51 26556 
30825 
38007 
39592 
42666 
45747 


March, 1896 


September, ,, 


15 16 01 
10 10 9§ 

19 6 71 

17 10 4('; 

17 3 Qh 

16 f 


3 1| 
3 3§ 

3 10§ 
3 6 

3 5k 
a 9.2 


December, ,, 


Half Year ended:— 

June, 1897 

December, „ 




49000 
46347 
51104 
44103 
56596 


June, 1898 

December, „ 


June, 1899 


14 18 4£ | 2 111 






16 13 3| 3 3| 


30914 


1 2 







76 



BATLEY "WOOLLEN 

Since 
IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS 



Year or Period ended. 



Year ended; 



December, 1887 

1888 

1889 (53 weeks) 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

189-4 



Quarter ended: 



1895 



March, 
June, 

September, 
December, 



March, 1896 

June, „ 

September, „ 
December, „ 



(14 weeks). 



March, 



1897 



Net 
Supplies. 



2478 
11590 
17189 
13069 
17018 
16155 
17513 
20553 



4942 
4551 
7345 

7188 

7278 
6482 
6140 
7523 

7217 



Half Year ended:— 

September, 1897 20080 



June, 



1899 



20852 



254787 



Pro- 
duction. 



Expenses. 



Sundry. P^F®" Interest Total. 



8495 
13836 
12332 
12955 
17178 
15870 
17239 
20414 



4426 
5438 
7293 
7096 

7106 
6274 

6622 
8288 

6651 



1S2SS 



March, 1898 15295 15794 

September, „ 16537 16421 

December, „ (1 quarter) 7792 8485 



20595 



257096 



3720 
6063 
5705 
5485 
6267 
5799 
6125 
6139 



1281 
1580 
2014 
1933 

1886 
1635 
1850 
2359 

1992 



4668 

4489 
4597 
2515 

5317 



83419 



ciation 



131 
297 
333 
363 
396 
422 
468 
477 



168 



362 

362 
374 

264 

543 



6038 



164 
513 
534 
396 
407 
390 
414 
407 



114 



233 



350 



4015 
6873 
6572 
6244 
7070 
6611 
7007 
7023 



119 87 1487 

119 95 1794 

119 102 2235 

119 88 2140 

119 84 2089 

161 111 1907 

161 107 2118 

161 115 2635 



2274 



5263 



244 5095 
243 5214 
172 2951 



6210 



5370 94827 



77 



MILL TRADE. 

Commencement. 

OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Year or Period ended. 



Rate ox Production. 



Per cent. 



Net Profit. 



Net Loss. 



Per £. Amount Rate. Amount Rate. 



Stocks 
at end. 



Year ended :— £ s. 

December, 1887 47 5 

1888 49 13 

1889 (53 weeks). 53 

1890 48 3 

1891 41 3 

1892 41 13 

1893 40 12 11 

1894 34 8 Of 



34 

104 

US 

i! 

1; 



9 5| 
9 11| 
10 71 
9 7| 
8 2| 
8 3£ 
8 1* 
6 10* 



622 

325 
312 

822 



8f 

4f 

4J 

94 



483 
1629 
3918 

766 



3 lOf 
2 9§ 



8061 
11876 
7308 
7326 
7740 
7557 
6943 
6353 



Quarter ended :— 

1895 

„ (14 weeks) 



March, 
June, 

September, 
December, 



March, 
June, 

September, 
December, 

March. 



1896 



1897 



Half Year ended 

September, 1897 



March, 1898 

September, „ 

December, „ (1 quarter) 



33 11 llj 
32 19 9* 
30 12 10| 
30 3 1| 



29 
30 



31 19 



HI 

io| 

84 



June, 



1899 



31 15 10J 
34 3 9# 



28 15 6| 

32 5 2| 

31 15 Og 

34 15 6| 

30 3 Of 



5 104 

6 0| 



6 10 



5 9 

6 5| 
6 44 
6 US 

6 0i 



176 84. 

119 6i 

281 94 

382 1 Of 

295 9| 

287 101 

9 0| 

238 74 



247 



Bl 



909 10| 

827 1 0| 

142 2 

214 64 



850 



9! 



5444 
7714 
7707 
8139 

6977 
6737 
7616 
8680 

7957 



8039 

7600 

8823 

11131 

12290 



36 17 84 



7 44 



Less Loss 

Leaves Net Profit 



7057 



6796 



261 



04 



6796 



78 



BROTJGKHTON 


CABINET WORKS TEADE. 




Since 


Commencement. 








IN YEARS TO 1894; IN 


' QUARTERS 


OR HALF YEARS 


SINCE 1894. 


Note. — These figures are included in the Manchester Furnishing Department Account up to 
June Quarter, 1895, inclusive, now separately stated in Productive Accounts. 


Year or 
Period ended. 


Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Result of 
Working. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Sundry. 


Depre- 
ciation. 


Interest. 


Total. 


Loss. 


Rate per 

£ on 
Supplies. 1 


Year ended: — 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


s. d. 


£ 


December, 1892 . . 


■ • 




•• 


•• 


•• 


•• 


•• 


307 


1893 . . 


4399 


3488 


349 


329 


4166 


630 


2 10^ 


3360 


1894 . . 


9453 


5966 


443 


489 


6898 


212 


5§ 


5343 


Quarter ended: 


















March, 1895 . . 


1745 


1366 


111 


135 


1612 


311 


3 6| 


5711 


June, ,, . . 


1978 


1384 


104 


133 


1621 


199 


2 0£ 


5905 


f September, ,, 


2368 


1550 


104 


131 


1785 


*3 


0| 


6800 


December, ,, 


2480 


1688 


105 


109 


1902 


*44 


4^ 


7257 


March, 1896 . . 


1896 


1429 


103 


118 


1650 


392 


4 li 


7836 


June, „ . . 


3025 


1726 


103 


122 


1951 


168 


1 1| 


7524 


September, „ . . 


2920 


2010 


103 


123 


2236 


551 


3 9$ 


8212 


December, ,, . . 


3530 


2197 


103 


120 


2420 


151 


10^ 


8732 


Half Year 

ended : — 


















June, 1897 . . 


5187 


3572 


209 


259 


4040 


523 


2 0J 


9868 


December, „ . . 


7270 


4230 


256 


290 


4776 


423 


1 H 


9044 


June, 1898 . . 


6861 


4088 


270 


292 


4650 


261 


9J 9246 


December, „ 


6099 


i 

4048 


252 


278 


4578 


618 


2 0$ 


9657 


June, 1899 . . 


6287 


4001 


246 


270 


4517 


941 


2 111 


9139 


65498 


42743 


2861 


3198 


48802 


5333 


1 7* 


•• 


* 


Profit. 


tFourteei 


i weeks. 









79 



BROTJG-HTON CLOTHING WORKS TRADE, 



Since commencing to publish separate Accounts in the Balance Sheet. 



Period. 


Supplies. 


Expenses. 


Result of 
Working. 


Stocks 
at end. 


Sundry. 


Depre- 
ciation. 


Interest. 


Total. 


Rate per 
Profit. £ on 
Supplies. 


Quarter ended : 


£ 


£ 


£ 


k 


£ 


£ s. d. 


£ 


f September, 1895.. 


3668 


2368 


83 


58 


2509 


04 H 


712 


December, „ . . 


3893 


2552 


88 


48 


2688 


190 llf 


1003 


March, 1896.. 


5113 


3161 


92 


55 


3308 


*185 


Bf 


1197 


June, „ . . 


6315 


3857 


92 


57 


4006 


237 


9 


1307 


September, „ . . 


5019 


3278 


92 


5S 


3428 


198 


9| 


1548 


December, ,, . . 


5577 


3486 


92 


56 


3634 


189 


Si. 


1703 


Half Year: 


















June, 1897 . . 


15077 


9536 


260 


159 


9955 


*60 


Of 


1389 


December, „ . . 


11933 


8215 


411 


243 


8869 


*659 


i H 


3217 


June, 1898.. 


16153 


10187 


420 


274 


11181 


60 


0^ 


4042 


December, „ . . 


11093 


7642 


420 


257 


8319 


•833 


1 6 


3038 


June, 1899 . . 


16913 


11111 


430 


24S 


11789 


5S 


Of 


2674 




100751 


65693 


2480 


1513 


S9686 i 


*741 


If 


•• 



* Loss. t Fourteen weeks. 



80 




81 



LITTLEBOROUGH FLANNEL WOEKS 


TRADE. 


From Commencement. 


QUARTERLY OR HALF-YEARLY ACCOUNTS. 






Expenses. 


Net Profit. 




Period ended 


Net 
Supplies. 






Stocks 
at end. 


i 






Sundr y- Son. lnterest 


Total. Amount. Rate. 




£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ £ 


s. d. 


£ 


September, 1898 (half year) 


10130 


2030 


259 


183 


2472 *5 


0| 


7240 


December, „ (quarter) . 


5022 


1054 129 


68 


1251 : 145 6£ 8146 | 


June, 1899 (half year) 


7843 


2256 


259 


155 


2670 150 U 10700 


22995 


5340 


647 


406 1 6393 ; 290 3 


* Loss. 


MANCHESTER TOBACCO FACTORY TRADE. 


From Commencement. 


QUARTERLY OR HALF-YEARLY ACCOUNTS. 






Expenses. 


Net Profit. 


Period ended , Su ^ es . 


' 




Stocks 
at end. 


■ 








Sundry, ^tion Interest Total - Amount. 


Rate. 






£ 


£ 


£ £ £ £ 


s. d. 


£ 


September, 1898 (15J weeks) 


23276 


2296 


121 198 2615 351 


3f 


12376 


December, „ (quarter) . 32294 


2076 


110 227 2413 1391 


10i 


26847 


June, 1899 (half year) 


72138 


5279 


288 490 6057 1571 


5i 


25972 [ 


127708 


9651 


519 915 11085 3313 


6§ 





82 



LONGTON CROCKERY 



Since 



IN YEARS TO 1894; IN QUARTERS 



Supplies. 



Year or Period ended. 



Year ended :— 



December, 1886 (2 quarters) 

1887 

1888 

1889 (53 weeks) . . 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Quarter ended :— 

March, 1895 

June, „ 

September, „ (14 weeks) 

December, „ 

March, 1896 ! 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March, 1897 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March. 1898 

June ; „ 

September, „ 

December, , 



Half Year ended :- 

June, 1899 



3968 
11925 
14473 
17466 
21792 
27238 
29627 
23080 
28388 



7103 

6677 

8097 

9918 

7200 

7356 

10003 

12139 

9154 

13138 

11756 

15215 

10479 

12105 

11276 

17881 



25972 



304 
1072 

nas 

981 
26 



132 
66 

136 

161 
96 
70 

184 
18 
23 
16 



118 



3968 
12229 
15545 
18649 
22773 
27264 
29627 
23080 
28388 



7103 

6677 

8097 

9918 

7200 

7356 

10140 

12205 

9290 

13299 

11852 

15285 

10663 

12123 

11299 

17897 



26090 



Total Expenses. 



Selves, ! Scottish. Total. 



Amount. 



372 
876 
1000 
1174 
1644 
1819 
2014 
2117 
2161 



577 
675 
707 
771 
755 
742 
718 
905 
762 
948 
768 
791 
802 
846 
787 
984 



2079 



Rate. 



s. d. 

1 10J 

1 5£ 



3g 
3 

4 
4J 



1 10 
1 6i 



7| 
°* 

4 

6| 

14 

Oh 

4| 

5f 

7| 

5 

3$ 

6 

4| 
4 § 
li 



1 7i 



83 



DEPOT TRADE, &c. 



Commencement. 



OR HALF YEARS SINCE 1894. 



Year or Period ended. 



Year ended : 



December, 1886 (2 quarters) 

1887 

1888 

1889 (53 weeks) . . 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 



Quarter ended :- 



March, 1895 

June, „ 

September, „ (14 weeks). 

December, „ 

March, 1896 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 

March, 1897 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, , 

March, 1898 

June, „ 

September, „ 

December, „ 



Half Year ended:— 

June, 1899 



Less Loss 

Leaves Net Profit 



Net Profit. 



Net Loss. 



Amount. Rate. Amount. 



Rate. 



Stcoks 
at end. 



179 
353 
533 
543 
488 
681 
339 
702 



207 

148 

65 

325 

48 

i38 
327 

i94 

482 

42 

63 

153 

725 



447 



£ 
37 



6| 
5| 



& 

5J 

3* 

5| 



61 
5i 



11 

0"3£ 
6| 

0"3i 

o"74 

0§ 

1| 

3i 

9g 



41 



s. a. 

2§ 



540 
596 
1116 
1929 
3053 
2884 
2868 
2829 
2518 



3077 
2956 
3174 
3306 
3933 
4112 
3648 
3605 
4046 
4244 
4452 
4216 
3733 
3813 
3670 
3460 



3971 



7182 



98 



7084 



4* 



98 







84 



MIDDLETON PEESEEVE AND 

Since 



Period. 



Quarter ended:— 



September, 1896. 
December, „ . 
March, 1897. 



Half Year ended: 



s 

CO 



18033 32917 
18990 14695 
19869 16588 



September, 1897 54303 68974 

March, 1898 65933 58188 

September, „ 70623 83466 

December, „ (1 quarter) 34499 33452 

June, „ 69287 I 53267 



351537 361547 



Expenses. 



Sundry. ^Zt Interest. Total. 



3774 
2284 
2647 



47570 



371 
518 
529 



7805 



274 
411 
391 



9681 


1167 


925 


7200 


1312 


1258 


9670 


1491 


1330 


4524 


800 


794 


7790 


1617 


1397 



6780 



4419 
3213 
3567 



11773 
9770 

12491 
6118 

10804 



62155 



WEST HARTLEPOOL 

Since 



Period. 



Quarter ended:— 

June, 1896 (11 weeks) . 

September, „ 

December, „ 



Net 
Supplies. 



6527 

8338 

13950 



Half Year ended : 



June, 1897 1 30440 

December, „ 35435 

June, 1898 35&S9 

December, „ ' 42505 

June, 1899 33842 



206876 



Expenses. 



Sundry. De 5*! e , Cia " l Interest. Total. 



tion 



327 
341 
436 



1148 

1768 

994 

1288 
1579 



7881 



130 
190 
190 



380 
380 
384 
396 
405 



2455 



133 
207 
131 



284 
266 
391 
401 
409 



2222 



£ 

590 

738 

757 



1812 
2414 
1769 
2085 
2393 



12558 



85 



PICKLES WORKS TEADE. 

Commencement. 



Period. 



Quarter ended:— 

September, 1896 

December, „ 

March, 1897 

Half Year ended :— 

September, 1897 

March, 1898 

September, „ 

December, „ (1 quarter) 
June, 1899 



Rate on 
Production. 



Per cent. 



£ s. d. 



13 8 51 
21 17 3| 
21 10 0| 



17 1 4i 
16 15 9| 
14 19 3§ 

18 5 9% 
20 5 72 



17 3 9 



Per £. 


s. 


d. 


2 


Si 


4 


48 


4 


35 


3 


** 


3 


111 


2 


3 


7i 


4 


o§ 


3 


5J 



Net Profit 
on Supplies. 



Am'nt. 



Rate 
per £. 



s. a. 



752 10 

1080 1 If 

856 10i 



2755 
1520 
2290 
81 
1922 



1 0J 

5\ 

7| 

0A 

6§ 



Net Loss 
on Supplies. 



^ a 
a o 



Am'nt. 



Rate 
per £. 



11256 



7| 



s. a. 



22618 
17784 
12321 



49768 
32437 
52020 
51611 
33966 



LAED EEFINEEY TEADE. 

Commencement. 



Period. 



Quarter ended:— 

June, 1896 (11 weeks) 

September, „ 

December, „ 



Half Year ended :— 



June, 1897. 

December, „ . 
June, 1898. 

December, „ . 
June, 1899. 



Net Profit. 



Amount. 



Less Loss 

Leaves Net Profit 



1936 



714 

1674 

599 

718 

284 



5925 

2773 



Rate 
per £. 



3152 



s. a. 



2 9J 



5| 
Hi 
4 
4 
2 



Net Loss. 



38 



Amount. 



1030 
1743 



2773 



Rate 
per £. 



3 11 

4 2J 



£ 

13468 

10105 

6653 



10012 
7223 
28578 
13717 
21267 



86 



DISTRIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND EATE PEE CENT ON 



SALES 



Expenses 



TOTALS. 



£11,318,315. 



Amount. 



Rate per 
£100. 



3VL .A. IfcT C H IE S T IE IR 



GROCERY. 



£5,348,243. 



Amount. 



Rate per 
£100. 



Wages 

Auditors' Fees and Mileages 

„ Deputation Fees 

„ Fares 

„ Deputation Fares 

Fees and Mileages — General and Branch 
Committees 

„ „ Stocktakers 

„ „ Scrutineers 

„ „ Deputations 

Fares and Contracts — General and Branch 
Committees 

„ „ Stocktakers 

„ „ Scrutineers 

„ „ Deputations 

Price Lists : Printing 

„ Postage 

Balance Sheets : Printing 

Printing and Stationery 

Periodicals 

Travelling 

Stamps 

Telegrams 

Petty Cash 

Advertisements 

Rents, Rates, and Taxes 

Coals, Gas, and Water 

Oil, Waste, and Tallow 

Exhibition and Conference Expenses 

Expenses : Quarterly Meetings 

Repairs, Renewals, &c 

Legal 

Telephones 

" Annual," 1898 

" Wheatsheaf " Record Expenses 

Employes' Picnic 

Dining-rooms 

Insurance — Fire and Guarantee 

Depreciation : Land 

„ Buildings 

„ Fixtures 

Interest 

Totals 



116349-80 

34412 

49-07 

46-80 

35-71 

3294-12 

124-92 

23-82 

1746-98 

1149-62 

21-60 

5-65 

848-07 

2051-52 
450-11 
421-50 

7649-50 

183-95 

11477-90 

5557-82 
521-46 
759-88 
929-64 

6761-65 

4778-70 
421-38 
944-69 
770-52 

6340-01 

52-33 

434-55 

1062-29 

4744-03 
141-22 

8284-04 

3319-86 

2579-70 
12219-59 

6737-02 
41397-38 



255032-52 



d. 

246-71 
•73 
•10 
•10 



6-99 
•27 
•05 

370 

2-44 
•05 
•01 

1-80 

4 35 

•95 

•89 

16-22 

•39 

24-34 

11-79 

111 

1-61 

1-97 

14-34 

10-13 

•89 

2-00 

1-63 

13-44 

•11 

•92 

2-25 

10-06 

•30 

17-57 

7-04 

5-47 

25-91 

14-29 

87-78 



540-78 



2/5/0-7 



31048-01 

162-59 

23-20 

22-17 

16-98 

977-77 
13-57 
11-28 

576-10 

299-98 
7-74 
2-67 
284-36 
910-28 
217-95 
202-61 

2500-86 
77-66 

1871-78 

253095 
294-29 
336-54 
339-25 

1497-29 

1126-35 
251-13 
21406 
49411 

1558-65 

35-33 

157-66 

501-78 

2241-90 
21-08 

3924-13 
457-39 
680-90 

2260-90 

1803-55 
11671-02 



71625-82 



d. 

13932 
•72 
•10 
•09 

•07 

4-38 
•06 
•05 

2-58 

1-34 

03 

•01 

1-27 

4-30 

•97 

•90 

11-22 

•34 

8-39 

11-35 

1-31 

1-51 

1-52 

6-71 

5-05 

112 

•96 

2-21 

6-99 

•15 

•70 

2-25 

10-06 

•09 

17-60 

2-05 

305 

10-14 

8-09 

52-37 



321-42 



1/6/9-4 



87 



SALES FOE THE YEAR ENDING DECEMBER 24th, 


1898. 


MAITCHESTER. 


DRAPERY. 


WOOLLENS AND 
READY-MADES. 


BOOTS AXD SHOES. 


FURNISHING. 


£481,136. 


£114,121. 


£275,366. 


£251,932. 


. . Rate per 
Amount. ' jgioh 


»™~„„<. Rate per 
Amount. £V £ 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


£ d. 


£ d. 


£ 


d. 


£ 


d. 


13598-?0 678-30 


2780-55 584-76 


5060-50 


441-06 


6590-48 


627-83 


14-64 -73 


3-52 -74 


847 


•74 


763 


•73 


2-06 -10 


•49 -10 


1-20 


•10 


1-09 


•10 


1-98 -10 


•44 -09 


110 


•10 


1-04 


•10 


1-50 -07 


•34 -08 


•83 


•07 


•78 


•07 


156-71 7-82 


37-13 7-81 


90-00 7-84 


81-82 


7-80 


22-54 M2 


220 -46 


2-97 -26 


403 


•38 


1-01 -05 


•23 -05 


•57 -05 


•53 


06 


208-45 1040 


20-26 4-26 


3859 3-36 


56-00 


5-33 


34-51 172 


8-30 174 


2016 1-76 


1807 


1-72 


215 -11 


•69 -15 


•65 -06 


•99 


•10 


•24 -01 


•05 -01 


•13 -01 


13 


•01 


8937 4-46 


8-27 1-74 


1491 


1-29 


2600 


2-48 


32-92 1-64 


128-33 26-99 


43-75 


3-81 


28-40 


2-71 


8-06 -40 


7-96 1-67 


340 


•29 


2212 


211 


18-27 -91 


4-38 -92 


1053 


•92 


951 


•90 


79040 39-42 


274-92 57-82 


41504 3617 


a37-98 


32-20 


4-15 -21 


215 -45 


2-75 -24 


2-98 


•28 


1275-51 63-62 


117203 246-48 


348-06 3034 


55341 


52-72 


222-41 1109 


5365 11-28 


125-82 10-97 


11693 


11-14 


8-00 -40 


5-76 1-21 


2-44 -21 


7"21 


•69 


39-55 197 


725 1-53 


26-30 2-29 


27-33 


260 


59-20 2-95 


18-92 3-98 


88-65 7-72 


1519 


1-45 


766-90 38-25 


422-62 88-88 


212-93 18-56 


404-50 


3853 


164-75 8-22 


132-30 27-82 


7013 611 


86-21 


8-21 


21-90 1-09 


14-68 3-09 


12-52 109 


11-28 


107 


7008 350 


5-61 1-18 


38-03 3-31 


12-63 


1-20 


45-12 2-26 


1092 2-30 


25-94 2-26 


23-19 


2-21 


450-45 22-47 


91-97 19-34 


232-97 20-30 


156-69 


14-93 


1-08 -05 


•20 -04 


•58 -05 


•55 


•05 


12-90 -64 


263 -55 


13-47 1-17 


11-57 


110 


45-30 2-25 


1115 2-35 


2664 2-32 


23-40 


2-23 


202-81 1012 


48-07 10-11 


116-78 10-18 


104-45 


995 


1631 


•81 


4-30 -90 


6-23 -58 


12-90 


1-23 


845-22 


4218 


19576 4117 


479-14 41-76 


44195 


42-10 


459-40 


22-94 


103-57 21-78 


234-94 20-48 


145-77 


1389 


457-08 


22-80 


15-64 329 


172-39 


15-02 


331-76 


31-60 


1457-65 


72-71 


17068 35-89 


57171 


49-83 


107066 


102-00 


275-19 1372 


61-58 12-95 


428-15 


3732 


34107 


32-49 


543950 271-33 


1009-12 212-22 


2731-09 


238-03 


189071 


180-12 


27323-50 


1362-94 


6838-62 143818 


11680-46 


1018-03 


12978-94 


1236-42 




5/13/6*9 


5/19/10-1 




4/4/10 




5/3/0-4 





DISTRIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND EATE PER CENT ON 



zn-ze-vs^c^stilie. 



GROCERY. 



SALES £2,108,434. 



Expenses = Amount, 



Wages 

Auditors' Fees and Mileages 

„ Deputation Fees 

„ Fares 

„ Deputation Fares 

Fees and Mileages — General & Branch 

Committees . . 

„ „ Stocktakers .... 

„ „ Scrutineers 

„ „ Deputations .... 

Fares & Contracts — General & Branch 

Committees. . . . 

„ „ Stocktakers 

„ „ Scrutineers 

„ „ Deputations .... 

Price Lists: Printing 

„ Postage 

Balance Sheets : Printing 

Printing and Stationery 

Periodicals 

Travelling 

Stamps 

Telegrams 

Petty Cash 

Advertisements 

Rents, Rates, and Taxes 

Coals, Gas, and Water 

Oil, Waste, and Tallow 

Exhibition and Conference Expenses. . 

Expenses: Quarterly Meetings 

Repairs, Renewals, &c 

Legal 

Telephones 

"Annual," 1898 

" Wheatsheaf " Record Expenses 

Employes' Picnic 

Dining-rooms 

Insurance — Fire and Guarantee 

Depreciation : Land 

„ Buildings 

„ Fixtures 

Interest 



16638-30 

64-08 

913 

8-69 

6-67 

707-53 

15-74 

4-44 

226-89 

274-00 

•50 

105 

7660 
134-15 

47-81 

51-22 
691-52 

30-91 
852-96 
785-42 
168-95 
202-15 
146-41 
754-96 
1282-39 

48-62 
26009 

53-07 
601-87 
499 
118-40 
197-57 
884-06 

15-15 
897-08 
278-19 
236-65 
1387-40 
656-23 
4787-17 



Totals 33609-01 



Rate per 
£100. 



DRAPERY. 



£403,876. 



189-38 
•73 
•11 
•10 

•08 

8-05 
•18 
•05 

2-58 

312 
01 

•01 

•87 

1-53 

•55 

•58 

7-87 

•35 

971 

8-94 

1-92 

2-30 

1-67 

8-59 

14-60 

•55 

2-96 

•60 

6-85 

•06 

1-35 

225 

10-06 

•17 

10-21 

317 

2-69 

15-79 

7-47 

54-50 



Amount. 



Rate per 
£•100. 



382-56 



1/11/10-5 



6244-33 

12-26 

1-75 

1-59 

1-25 

164-59 
7-16 

•84 
72-80 

58-64 
•27 
•21 

26-24 
3-00 

9-82 

230-90 

5-56 

995-92 

122-89 

4-00 

27-66 

28-83 

421-37 

376-85 

8-99 

50-10 

10-18 

222-20 

■86 

22-40 

37-88 

168-93 

13-25 

244-14 

264-60 

12534 

757-99 

753-89 

3015-20 



BOOTS & SHOES. 



£164,761. 



14514-74 



371-06 
•73 
•10 
•10 

•07 

9-78 
•43 
•05 

4-33 

3-48 
•02 
•01 

1-56 
•18 

'•58 

13-72 

•33 

59-18 

730 

•24 

1-64 

1-71 

25-04 

2240 

•53 

2-98 

•61 

13-21 

•05 

1-33 

2-25 

10-04 

•79 

14-51 

15-72 

7-45 

45-04 

44-80 

179-17 



Rather 



862-52 



3/11/10-5 



2385-58 

5-02 

■72 

•67 

•52 

67-53 

2-55 

•34 

19-54 

2410 

16 

•08 

6-36 

17-52 

•27 

402 

154-61 

2-56 

284-02 

51-16 

4-00 

1116 

12-88 

24612 

94-26 

3-68 

20-05 

411 

53-07 

•38 

916 

15-60 

68-79 

3-80 

10000 

117-93 

72-05 

437-87 

438-12 

1281-65 



6022-01 



347-49 
•73 
•11 
•10 
•08 

9-84 
•37 
•05 

2-85 

351 

•02 

01 

•93 

2-55 

•04 

•59 

22-52 

•37 

41-37 

7-45 

•58 

1-63 

1-88 

35-85 

13-73 

•54 

2 92 

•60 

7-73 

05 

1-33 

2-27 

10-02 

•55 

14-57 

17-17 

10-49 

63-78 

63-82 

18670 



877-19 



3/13/1-1 



89 



SALES I OK THE YEAE ENDING DECEMBER 28th, 1S98. 


2STE WCAST LIE . 






l o in" d o nsr . 






FURNISHING. 


GROCERY. 


DRAPERY. 


BOOTS & SHOES 


FURNISHING. 


£170,410. 


£1,726,505. 


£141,046. 


£64,342. 


£68,143. 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


Amount. 


Rate per 
£100. 


\,„~„„* Rate per 
Amount. £10Q 


Amount. K^g** 


Amount. 


Rate 

per 

£100. 


* 


d. 


£ 


d. 


£ d. 


£ d. 


£ 


d. 


430732 


60663 


17099-60 


237-70 


5357-45 91160 


2069-22 77183 


317024 


1116-56 


514 


•72 


52-50 


•72 


4-26 -73 


1-95 [ -73 


2-08 


•73 


•75 


•11 


751 


10 


•60 10 


•2s -11 


•29 


•10 


•71 


10 


7-25 


•10 


•59 -10 


•27 


•10 


•29 


•10 


•54 


•08 


549 


•08 


•42 -07 


•19 


•07 


•20 


•07 


68-82 


9-69 


692-58 


9-62 


190-23 3237 


28-77 


1073 


30-66 


10-80 


648 


•91 


25-79 


•36 


1139 1-94 


3-43 1-28 


709 


249 


•35 


05 


3-65 


•05 


•29 -04 


•14 -05 


•14 


05 


13-27 


1-87 


39003 


5-42 


68-59 11-67 


2727 10-18 


2919 


10-2* 


2460 


3-47 


319-23 


4-43 


4607 7-84 


1052 392 


11-45 


403 


•20 


03 


7-82 


11 


•23 -04 


05 -02 


•15 


05 


•09 


01 

118 


•86 


01 


■07 -01 


03 -01 


•03 


•02 


8-38 


221-62 


3-0S 


43-06 744 


1315 ; 490 


29-13 


10-26 


1407 


1-98 


382-07 


531 


35685 60-72 


•OH -03 


•08 


03 


•53 


•08 


14042 


1-96 




•81 1 -30 


•78 


•27 


412 


•58 


9242 


1-29 


754 1-28 


3-42 1-28 


365 


1-29 


18094 


2548 


1425-30 


1981 


360-66 61-37 


114-^8 42-85 


171'52 


6041 


2-36 


•33 


4*"24 


•67 


2-73 -46 


105 -39 


•85 


•30 


274-28 


3863 


1486-15 


20-66 


1299-80 22117 


a8499 14360 


679-00 


239-14 


12919 


1819 


117602 


1635 


13124 22-33 


49-90 1863 


62-23 


21-92 


400 


•56 


1922 


•26 


1— -32 


•81 -30 


•89 


•31 


1667 


235 


51-50 


■71 


8-32 1-41 


1-69 63 


3-76 


1-32 


11-73 


1-65 


164-32 


2-28 


11-21 1-91 


23-55 | 8-78 


950 


335 


54738 


7709 


97825 


13-60 


225-89 3S-44 


94-84 35-38 


188-58 


6642 


9531 


1342 


105345 


1464 


148-64 25-29 


6612 24-66 


8193 


2— r, 


360 


•51 


35-74 


•50 


4-76 -1 


2-18 -81 


232 


•82 


20-43 


2-88 


17901 


2-54 


29-12 4-96 


32-72 


12-20 


1277 


4-50 


417 


•58 


86-88 


1-21 


6-71 114 


2-92 


109 


320 


113 


103-17 


1453 


1938-10 


26-94 


584-73 9950 


178-25 


6649 


167-83 


59-11 


•41 


•06 


7-36 


10 


•30 05 


14 


•05 


15 


•05 


942 


1-33 


52-62 


•73 


6-93 1-18 


911 3-40 


8-27 


2-91 


15-62 


2-20 


16195 


225 


1306 2-22 


598 223 


637 


224 


70-36 


991 


722-84 


10-05 


5949 10-12 


2675 9-98 


28-81 


1015 


1-89 


•27 


31-52 


•44 


758 1-30 


299 1 12 


4-18 


1-47 


10440 


1470 


70148 


9-75 


18134 30-86 


81-93 i 3056 


87-47 


30-81 


135-50 


1908 


491-35 


683 


35717 6078 


160-18 5974 


113-86 


4010 


157-27 


2215 


178-82 


2-49 


62-08 10-56 


26-10 


9-74 


63-62 


22-41 


962-32 


135-53 


1935-85 


26-91 


648-36 110-32 


277-77 


103-61 - 


280-43 


98-77 


31382 


44-20 


1099-56 


15-28 


34739 5911 


14979 


5587 


68-66 


241S 


1591-30 


22411 


5217-92 


7253 


152082 258-78 


687-97 25662 


553-93 


19509 


9210-91 


1297-23 


3S692-29 


537-86 


12108-45 2060-34 


4542-19 1694-27 


5895-56 


2072-90 




5/8/1-2 




2/4/9-8 


8/11/8-3 


= 
7/1/2-2 




8/12/8-9 





90 



Zhe Cooperative Hinion 3Limiteb- 

Offices: LONG MILLGATE, MANCHESTEE. 



WHAT IS THE CO-OPERATIVE UNION? 

IT is an institution charged with the duty of keeping alive and diffusing a 
knowledge of the principles which form the life of the Co-operative move- 
ment, and giving to its active members, by advice and instruction — literary, 
legal, or commercial — the help they may require, that they may be better able 
to discharge the important work they have to do. 

WHAT HAS IT DONE ? 
The greater part of the legal advantages enjoyed by Co-operators originated in 
the action of the Central Board of the Union, and the Central Committee which 
it succeeded. They may be summarised as follows : — 

(1) The right to deal with the public instead of their own members only. 

(2) The incorporation of the Societies, by which they have acquired the right 

of holding in their own name lands or buildings and property generally, 
and of suing and being sued in their own names, instead of being driven 
to employ trustees. 

(3) The power to hold £200 instead of £100 by individual members of our 

Societies. 

(4) The limitation of the liability of members for the debts of the Society to 

the sum unpaid upon the shares standing to their credit. 

(5) The exemption of Societies from charge to income tax on the profits of 

their business, under the condition that the number of their shares 
shall not be limited. 

(6) The authorising one Registered Society to hold shares in its own corporate 

name to any amount in the capital of another Registered Society. 

(7) The extension of the power of members of Societies to bequeath shares by 

nomination in a book, without the formality of a will or the necessity 
of appointing executors, first from £30 to £50, and now to £100, by the 
Provident Nominations and Small Intestacies Act, 1883, which also 
makes this power apply to loans and deposits as well as to shares. 

(8) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1871, which enables Societies 

to hold and deal with land freely. 

(9) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1876, which consolidated into 

one Act the laws relating to these Societies, and, among many smaller 
advantages too numerous to be mentioned in detail, gave them the right 
of carrying on banking business whenever they offer to the depositors 
the security of transferable share capital. 
(10) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893. 

The Union consists of Industrial and Provident Societies, Joint-Stock 
Companies, and other bodies corporate. 

No Society is admitted into Union unless its management is of a representative 
character, nor unless it agree — 

(1) To accept the statement of principles in the rules of the Union as the rules 

by which it shall be guided in all its own business transactions. 

(2) To contribute to the fund called the Congress Fund the annual payment 

following : — 

(a) If the number of members of any such Society is less than 1,000, 

then the sum of 2d. for each member. 

(b) If the number of such members exceeds 1,000, then, at least, the 

sum of 2,000d. 
In estimating the number of members of a Society comprising other Societies, 
each such Society is considered to be one member. 



91 



The subscription is considered due, Id. in the first and Id. in the third quarter 
of each year, but may be wholly paid in the first quarter. 

The financial year commences on January 1st in each year, and ends on 
December 31st following. 

N.B. — Secretaries forwarding Cheques on account of the Union are requested 
to make them payable to the Co-operative Union Limited ; Money Orders to 
A. Whitehead, Cashier. 

H-*%< 

SUMMAEY OF THE LAW EELATING TO SOCIETIES 

UNDER THE 

INDUSTRIAL AND PROVIDENT SOCIETIES ACT, 1893. 

I. TJie Formation of Societies — 

1. Application must be made to the Registrar of Friendly Societies, in Lon- 
don, Edinburgh, or Dublin, according to the case, on a form supplied by the 
office, signed by seven persons and the secretary, accompanied by two copies of 
the-rules, signed by the same persons. 

2. These rules must provide for twenty matters stated on the form of appli- 
cation. 

3. No fees charged on the registration of a society. 

N.B. — Model rules on these twenty matters can be obtained from the 
Registrar's office; and the Co-operative Union Limited, Long Millgate, 
Manchester, publishes, at the cost of l|d. a copy, general rules, approved 
of by the Chief Registrar, providing also for many other matters on which rules 
are useful ; and capable of being adopted, either with or without alterations, by 
a few special rules, with a great saving in the cost of printing. 

The General Secretary of the Union will prepare such special rules, without 
charge, on receiving a statement of the rules desired. 

II. Rights of a Registered Society — 

1. It becomes a body corporate, which can by its corporate name sue and be 
sued, and hold and deal with property of any kind, including shares in other 
societies or companies, and land to any amount. 

2. Its rules are binding upon its members, though they may have signed no 
assent to them ; but may be altered by amendments duly made as the rules 
provide, and registered, for which a fee of 10s. is charged. The application for 
registration must be made on a form supplied by the Registrar's office. 

3. It can sue its own members, and can make contracts, either under its 
seal or by a writing signed by any person authorised to sign, or by word of 
mouth of any person authorised to speak for it, which will be binding wherever 
a contract similarly made by an individual would bind him. 

4. It may make all or any of its shares either transferable or withdrawable, 
and may carry on any trade, including the buying and selling of land, and bank- 
ing under certain conditions, and may apply the profits of the business in any 
manner determined by its rules ; and, if authorised by its rules, may receive 
money on loan, either from its members or others, to any amount so authorised. 

5. If it has any withdrawable share capital it may not carry on banking, 
but may take deposits, within any limits fixed by its rules, in sums not exceeding 
10s. in any one payment, or £20 for any one depositor, payable at not less than 
two clear days' notice. 

6. It may make loans to its members on real or personal security ; and may 
invest on the security of other societies or companies, or in any except those 
where liability is unlimited. 

7. It may make provision in its rules for the settlement of disputes between 
members and the Society or any officer thereof, and any decision given in 
accordance with the conditions stated in the rules is binding on all parties to 
the dispute, and is not removable into any court of law. 



92 



8. If the number of its shares is not limited either by its rules or its practice, 
it is not chargeable with income tax on the profits of its business. 

9. It can, in the way provided by the Act, amalgamate with or take over 
the business of any other society, or convert itself into a company. 

10. It can determine the way in which disputes between the society and its 
officers or members shall be settled. 

11. It can dissolve itself, either by an instrument of dissolution signed by 
three-fourths of its members, or by a resolution passed by a three-fourths vote at 
a special general meeting, of which there are two forms — (A) purely voluntary, 
when the resolution requires confirmation at a second meeting ; (B) on account 
of debts, when one meeting is sufficient. In such a winding up hostile pro- 
ceedings to seize the property can be stayed. 

III. Rights of Members (see also IV., 4, 5, 6) — 

1. They cannot be sued individually for the debts of the society, nor com- 
pelled to pay more towards them than the sum remaining unpaid on any shares 
which they have either expressly agreed to take or treated as their property, or 
which the rules authorise to be so treated. 

2. If they transfer or withdraw their shares, they cannot be made liable for 
any debts contracted subsequently, nor for those subsisting at the time of the 
transfer or withdrawal, unless the other assets are insufficient to pay them. 

3. Persons not under the age of 16 years may become members, and legally 
do any acts which they could do if of full age, except holding any office. 

4. An individual or company may hold any number of shares allowed by the 
rules, not exceeding the nominal value of £200, and any amount so allowed as 
a loan. A society may hold any number of shares. 

5. A member who holds at his death not more than £100 in the society as 
shares, loans, or deposits, may, by a writing recorded by it, nominate, or vary 
or revoke the nomination of any persons to take this investment at his death ; 
and if he dies intestate, without having made any subsisting nomination, the 
committee of management of the society are charged with the administration 
of the fund; subject in either case to a notice to be given to the Commissioners 
of Inland Revenue whenever the sum so dealt with exceeds £80. 

6. The members may obtain an inquiry into the position of the society by 
application to the Registrar. 

IV. Duties of a Registered Society — 

1. It must have a registered office, and keep its name painted or engraved 
outside, and give due notice of any change to the Registrar. 

2. It must have a seal on which its name is engraved. 

3. It must have its accounts audited at least once a year, and keep a copy of 
its last balance sheet and the auditors' report constantly hung up in its registered 
office. 

4. It must make to the Registrar, before the 31st of March in every year, a 
return of its business during the year ending the 31st December previous, and 
supply a copy of its last returns gratis to every member and person interested 
in its funds on application. 

5. It must allow any member or person interested in its funds to inspect his 
own account and the book containing the names of the members. 

6. It must supply a copy of its rules to every person on demand, at a price 
not exceeding one shilling. 

7. If it carries on banking, it must make out in February and August in 
every year, and keep hung up in its registered office, a return, in a form 
prescribed by the Act ; and it has also to make a return every February to the 
Stamp Office under the Banking Act. 

The non-observance by a society of these duties exposes it and its officers to 
penalties varing from £1 to £50, which are in some cases cumulative for every 
week during which the neglect lasts. 



93 



THE 



SCOTTISH 

CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY 



LIMITED. 



PLATES, ADVERTISEMENTS, STATISTICS, &c, 



PAGES 93 TO 142. 



94 



SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE 

WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED. 



■ » «— « 



Enrolled 20th April, 1868, lender the provisions of the Industrial and Provident 
Societies Act, 20th August, 1867, 30 and 31 Vict, cap. 117, sec. 4. 

Business Commenced 8tb September, 1868- 



REGISTERED OFFICE, FURNITURE, & STATIONERY WAREHOUSE 

MORRISON STREET, GLASGOW. 



GROCERY AND PROVISION WAREHOUSE: 

PAISLEY ROAD, GLASGOW. 



DRAPERY WAREHOUSE : 

DUNDAS AND ST. JAMES' STREETS, GLASGOW. 



BOOT AND SHOE WAREHOUSE: 

PATERSON AND ST. JAMES' STREETS, GLASGOW. 



SHIRT FACTORY, TAILORING FACTORY, WATERPROOF FACTORY, 
AERATED WATER FACTORY, AND CARTWRIGHT DEPT. : 

PATERSON STREET, GLASGOW. 



MANTLE FACTORY: 

DUNDAS STREET, GLASG0W r . 



BOOT AND SHOE FACTORY, CLOTHING FACTORIES, 

CABINET AND BRUSH FACTORIES, PRINTING WORKSHOP, 

PRESERVE AND CONFECTION WORKS, COFFEE ESSENCE WORKS, 

TOBACCO FACTORY, AND PICKLE WORKS: 

SHIELDHALL, near GOVAN, GLASGOW. 



95 



INTRODUCTION. 



AGAIN we have the pleasure of placing before our readers the 
record of an exceptionally prosperous year's trade. The 
past year has been one of unbroken progress in the Co- 
operative world, and the statistical tables contained in the Wholesale 
Societies' "Annual" for 1900 should be exceedingly gratifying as 
well as interesting to all well-wishers of the movement. They are 
in themselves a sufficient demonstration of the futility of the efforts 
made to check the onward march of Co-operation, and should be 
most encouraging to all who have been labouring faithfully and 
earnestly for the cause they have at heart. 

While the industries commenced during the year may not be 
of first-class importance they are, nevertheless, evidence of expan- 
sion in new directions, and show a careful consideration of the 
daily wants of our great constituency. The Creamery at Bladnoch 
has been for some time in full working order manufacturing goods 
of high quality, and the latest addition — the Fish-curing Station, 
recently opened in Aberdeen — has already been found too small 
for the demands made upon it. 

The same remark applies to almost all the Productive Works 
of the Society, and it has been a severe tax on the energies of the 
Committee to provide the accommodation and make the extensions 
necessitated by such a very large increase in trade. 

In view of these facts it may be considered that we have good 
grounds for mutual congratulation, but all Co-operators would do 
well to remember that the continued success of the Wholesale 
Society depends entirely on the consistent and loyal support of 
every individual member of the Federation. 

We would also commend for your perusal the general articles 
included in this volume. They are the work of writers who have 
full and practical knowledge of the subjects treated, and should 
prove at once interesting and instructive. 



96 



SCOTTISH 

CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY 

LIMITED. 

JBrancbes : 

LINKS PLACE, LEITH. 

GEANGE PLACE, KILMAENOCK. 

TEADES LANE, DUNDEE. 

HENEY STEEET, ENNISKILLEN, IEELAND. 



FUENITUEE WAEEHOUSE, DEAPEEY & BOOT SAMPLE 

EOOM, CHAMBEES STEEET, EDINBUEGH. 
CHANCELOT EOLLEE FLOUE MILLS, BONNINGTON, 

EDINBUEGH. 

SOAP WOEKS, GEANGEMOUTH. 

ETTEICK TWEED MILLS, SELKIEK. 

JUNCTION FLOUE AND OATMEAL MILLS, LEITH. 



Creameries : 

ENNISKILLEN, BELNALECK, GOLA, FLOEENCE COUET, 

S. BEIDGE, GAEDNEE'S CEOSS, IEELAND; 

BLADNOCH, WIGTOWNSHIRE, N.B. 



Fish-curing Works, ABEEDEEN. 



Tea and Coffee Department : 
LEMAN STEEET, LONDON, E 



JBanfcers : 
THE UNION BANK OF SCOTLAND LIMITED. 

Ibeafc ©tticee: 



GLASGOW : LONDON : EDINBURGH : 

Ingram Street. 62, Corxhill, E.C. George Street. 

General Manager : Manager : Manager : 

ROBERT BLYTH. JOHN A. FRADGLEY. HENRY HAY NORIE. 



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THIRTY- ONE YEARS' WHOLESALE DISTRIBUTION IN SCOTLAND. 



jsnr-rYrr 


^j&, y -«x SCOTTISH *^ 

]fc Co-operative Wholesale Society Ltd. 


'Mm 


St/y> 


Years. Capital. 


Sales. 


Profits. 


Years. 


1868, 13 weeks ! £1,795 


£9,697 


£48 


13 weeks 


,1868 | 


1869, 52 „ 5,175 


81,094 


1,304 


52 „ 


1869 ' 


1870, 50 „ 12,543 


105,249 


2,419 


50 „ 


1870 


1871, 52 „ 


18,009 


162,658 


4,131 


52 „ 


1871 


1872, 52 „ 


30,931 


262,530 


5,435 


52 „ 


1872 


1873, 52 „ 


50,433 


384,489 


7,446 


52 „ 


1873 


1874, 52 „ 


48,982 


409,947 


7,553 


52 „ 


1874 , 


1875, 52 „ 


56,751 


430,169 


8,233 


52 „ 


1875 ! 


1876, 51 „ 


67,219 


457,529 


8,836 
10,925 


51 „ 


1876 


1877, 52 „ 


72,568 


589,221 
600,590 


52 „ 
59 „ 


1877 
1878 


1878, 52 „ 


83,174 


11,969 


1879, 52 „ 


93,077 


630,097 


14,989 


52 „ 


1879 


1880, 52 „ 


110,179 


845,221 


21,685 


52 „ 


1880 


1881, 54 „ 


135.71:-! 


986,646 


23,981 


54 „ 


1881 


| 1882, 52 „ 


169,429 
195,396 


1,100,588 


23,220 
28,366 


52 „ 


1882 


1883, 52 „ 


1,253,154 


52 „ 
52 


1883 
1884 


1884, 52 „ 


244,186 


1,300,331 


29,435 


1885, 52 „ 


288,946 


1,438,220 


39,641 


52 „ 


1885 


1886, 60 „ 


333,653 


1,857,152 


50,398 


60 „ 


1886 


1887, 53 „ 


367,309 


1,810,015 


47,278 


53 „ 


1887 j 


1888, 52 „ 


409,668 


1,963,853 


53,538 


52 „ 


1888 1 


1889, 52 „ 


480,622 


2,273,782 


61,756 


52 „ 


1889 


1890, 52 „ 


575,322 


2,475,601 


76,545 


52 „ 


1890 


1891, 52 „ 


671,108 


2,828,036 


89,090 


52 „ 


1891 


1892, 53 „ 


778,494 


3,104,768 


96,027 


53 „ 


1892 


| 1893, 52 „ 


869,756 


3,135,562 
3,056,582 


89,116 


52 „ 


1893 


1894, 52 „ 


940,835 


88,452 


52 „ 


1894 


1895, 52 „ 


1,134,269 


3,449,461 


132,374 


52 „ 


1895 ! 


1896, 52 „ 


1,237,317 


3,822,580 


174,982 


52 „ 


1896 


1897, 52 „ 


1,286,624 


4,405,854 


156,341 


52 „ 


1897 j 


1898, 53 „ 


1,333,078 


4,692,330 


165,580 


53 „ 


1898 


1899, 26 „ 1,422,452 


2,400,834 


101,582 


26 „ 


1899 


Totals. 1,422,452 


52,323,855 


1,632,681 


Totals. 


©9 
6 


lfif~ COMMENCI 


•O Septembe 


R, 1868. \ 


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97 



(Seneral Committee. 



president : 

Mr. WILLIAM MAXWELL, Caerlaverock, Polmont Station. 

Secretary : 

Mr. ANDREW MILLER, Haldane Cottage, Balcarres Street, Tillicoultry. 

Directors : 

Mr. DANIEL THOMSON . . Rolland House, Rolland Street, Dunfermline. 

Mr. JOHN PEARSON Fenton Street, Alloa. 

Mr. ISAAC Mc.DONALD . . 7, Knoxland Street, Dumbarton. 

Mr. JOHN ARTHUR 39, High Street, Paisley. 

Mr. T. C. Mc.NAB 25, Dalmeny Street, Leith. 

Mr. HENRY MURPHY. . . . Clydeview Villa, Lanark. 

Mr. JOHN STEVENSON . . 5, W. Fullarton Street, Kilmarnock. 

Mr. PETER GLASSE 296, St. George's Road, Glasgow. 

Mr. THOMAS LITTLE 264, Scott Street, Galashiels. 

Mr. ROBERT STEWART .. 15, Rutland Crescent, Paisley Rd.W., Glasgow. 



Subcommittees : 

(1) Finance and Property — 

Messrs. LITTLE, Mc.NAB, THOMSON, and GLASSE. 

Mr. Little, Mr. Mc.Nab, 

Convener Finance. Convener Property. 

(2) Grocery : Distributive and Productive — 

Messrs. PEARSON, ARTHUR, MAXWELL, and STEWART. 

Mr. Pearson, Mr. Arthur, 

Convener Distributive. Convener Productive. 

(3) Drapery and Furnishing : Distributive and Productive — 

Messrs. MILLER, STEVENSON, MURPHY, and Mc.DONALD. 

Mr. Stevenson, Mr. Miller, 

Convener Distributive. Convener Productive. 



BuOitors : 

Mr. JNO. ALEXANDER, P. A., Paisley. | Mr. JNO. MILLEN, Rutherglen. 
Mr. ROBT. J. SMITH, C.A., Glasgow. 

_ 



98 



(Mtcers 

Manager : Mr. james mar 


of tbe 


Society. 

v. accountant : Mr. Robert 


iHALL, Glasgov 


MACINTOSH, Glasgow. 


Casbier : Mr. 


ALLAN GRAY, Glasgow. 


Grocery and Provisions 


. Glasgow 


.Mr. E. ROSS. 






.Mr. john mc.donald. 






.Mr. JOHN JAMIESON. 




.Leith 


.Mr. PETER ROBERTSON. 






.Mr. WILLIAM Mc.LAREN. 




.Kilmarnock . 


.Mr. WILLIAM LAIRD. 




• 


.Mr. DAVID CALDWELL. 




. Dundee 


.Mr. JOHN BARROWMAN. 




. Glasgow 


.Mr. JOHN Mc.INTYRE. 




.Leith 


.Mr. JOHN WHITE. 


Cattle 


. Glasgow 


.Mr. WILLIAM DUNCAN. 


Provisions 


. Enniskillen . 


.Mr. WILLIAM WHYTE. 




. Glasgow 


.Mr. N. ANDERSON. 






.Mr. THOMAS HARKNESS. 


Chancelot and Junction Flour 


( Edinburgh . 


.Mr. WM. F. STEWART. 


Mills 


(Master Miller. 


.Mr. SYLVANUS WEAR. 




. Grangemouth 


.Mr. T. B. BOLTON. 




. Larbert 


.Mr. ROBERT DEMPSTER. 




. London 


.Mr. CHARLES FIELDING. 


Printing & Stationery Depart- 
ment 


- Glasgow 


.Mr. DAVID CAMPBELL. 


Draperv Department 




.Air. DAVID GARDINER. 


„ „ Assistant 




.Mr. GAVIN NEISH. 


Furniture Department and) 


.Mr. WILLIAM MILLER. 


Cabinet Works 


i" Edinburgh . 


.Mr. GEO. D. LAWSON. 


Boot and Shoe Department) -, 

and Factory.... f Glasgow 


.Mr. ALBERT JOHNSON. 


Ettrick Tweed & Blanket Mills 


. Selkirk 


.Mr. ANDREW WESTLAND. 


Clerk of Works 


. Glasgow 


.Mr. JAMES DAVIDSON. 


Mechanics' Department .... 




.Mr. JAMES COATS. 


Carting Superintendent 


{Travellers : 


Mr. JAMES CALDWELL. 


Grocery Department 


. Glasgow 


.Mr. GEO. BLACKWOOD. 






.Mr. JOHN KNOX. 




. . Leith 


.Mr. A. STODDART. 




. .Glasgow 


.Mr. JOHN ROSS. 


Flour Mills 


.Edinburgh . 


.Mr. GEORGE FISHER. 


Draperv Department 


. . Glasgow 


.Mr. J. D. STEWART. 






.Mr. JAMES HENRY. 






.Mr. JOHN BOWMAN. 






.Mr. ROBERT WOOD. 




..Edinburgh . 


.Mr. GEORGE TAIT. 


Ettrick Mills 


. . Glasgow 


.Mr. JAMES ALLAN. 


Furniture Department 




.Mr. GEORGE CARSON. 






.Mr. WM. H. TOD. 


Boot and Shoe Department . . 




.Mr. G. W. ROSS. 


. »> » >) 




.Mr. J. J. HORN. 


Coal Department 




Mr T BURTON. 




. . Grangemouth 


.Mr. WM. Mc.FARLANE. 






99 



Business Hrvanoements. 



"(Registered ©fHce: 

MORRISON STREET, GLASGOW. 

Brancbes : 

LINKS PLACE, LEITH ; GRANGE PLACE, KILMARNOCK 
TRADES LANE, DUNDEE; 
HENRY STREET, ENNISKILLEN, IRELAND; 
LEMAN STREET, LONDON, E. 



BUSINESS AEEANGEMENTS. 

Societies, to which our trade is strictly confined, desirous of opening an 
account with this Society, should forward a copy of their registered Rules 
and latest balance sheet ;. or, if but recently started, a statement showing the 
number of members, value of shares, amount subscribed for and paid up, 
weekly turnover expected, and the amount of credit allowed, if any, per 
member in proportion to the capital paid up. Should these particulars be 
considered satisfactory, goods will be supplied on the following terms : — The 
maximum credit allowed is fourteen days, and .interest is charged quarterly 
on all in excess of this allowance at the rate of 2£ per cent per annum, but in 
cases where the debt exceeds one month's purchases 5 per cent is charged. 

The Directors, by authority of the general meeting, are empowered to have 
the books of defaulting societies examined, and to take the necessary steps to 
protect the other members of the federation. 



Orders for goods should bear the price or brand of the article wanted, the 
mode of transit, and name of station to which the goods are to be sent. Orders 
for the different departments should be on separate slips. Goods not approved 
of must be returned at once and intact. No claim for breakage, short weight, 
&c, can be entertained unless made within six days after goods are received. 
Delay in delivery should be at once advised. 



100 





WEEKLY STATEMENT OF ACCOUNT. 






5th Week. Ledger Folio, 929. 


73rd Quarter. 119, Paisley Road, 


GLASGOW, September 3rd, 1887. 


The Grahamston and Bainsford Co-ojierative Society Limited. 


3Dr. ®0 The Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited. Cr. 


GOODS. 


CASH AND CREDITS. 


Date Amount of Balance last 
each Invoice. Statement. 


Date. 


Cash. Credit. 


Totals. 




£ s. d. £ s. d. 




£ s. d. £ s. d. 1 £ s. d. 




698 7 2 






Aug. 30.. 


4 3 




Aug. 30.. 




5 






„ 30.. 


18 11 7 




„ 31.. 




10 






„ 30.. 


29 8 




„ 31.. 




12 9 






„ 30.. 


32 4 






„ 31.. 




12 10 






„ 30.. 


17 7 






Sept. 1.. 




5 6 






„ 30. . 


4 10 






„ 1.. 




10 






„ 30.. 


4 4 






1 




13 6 






„ 30.. 


3 2 6 






„ 1.. 




2 7 






n 31.. 


6 6 






„ 2.. 




12 9 






„ 31.. 


8 3 






„ 2.. 




12 9 






„ 31.. 


10 10 . 




„ 2.. 






14 9 






„ 31.. 


8 3 




„ 2.. 






10 






„ 31.. 


15 




„ 3.. 






15 6 






„ 31.. 


10 11 




,. 3.. 




10 11 1 






„ 31.. 


59 16 9 




„ 3.. 




15 6 






„ 31.. 


11 3 




„ 3.. 






1 12 






31.. 


7 3 5 












22 11 11 


Sept. 1.. 


2 10 6 






„ 2.. 


600 




600 


„ 1.. 


4 17 6 














„ 1.. 


15 2 














n 3.. 


6 6 














„ 3.. 


9 2 














,, 3.. 


17 10 














„ 3.. 


18 














„ 3.. 


3 10 6 














„ 3.. 


5 13 8 














„ 3.. 


12 11 1 














„ 3.. 


4 18 7 














i. 3.. 


5 3 6 












,. 3.. 


12 9 












„ 3.. 


1 10 ! 












n 3.. 


2 14 9 












n 3.. 


18 6 












„ 3.. 


27 12 8 














OCS 1 A 












To balance 
£ 








By balance 
£ 


331 5 8 


953 17 7 


953 17 7 


If the above Statement differs from your Books, we shall be glad if you 


will point out the difference at once. 



101 



XTetms of flftembersblp- 



EXCEEPT FROM SOCIETY'S RULES. 



Admission of Members and Application for Shares. 

The Society shall consist of such Co-operative Societies registered under 
the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, or any employe of this 
Society who is over twenty-one years of age, as have been admitted by the 
Committee, but no society trafficking in intoxicating liquors shall be eligible 
for membership in the Society, and each admission must be entered in the 
minute book of the Society. Every application for membership, except in the 
case of employes, must be sanctioned by a resolution of a general meeting of 
any society making such application, and the same must be made in the form 
given in Schedule A (see appendix at end of rules), said form to be duly 
attested by the signature of the president, secretary, and three of the members 
thereof, and stamped with such society's seal. Every society making application 
shall state the number of its members, and take up not less than one share for 
each member, and shall increase the number annually as its members increase, 
in accordance with its last return to the Registrar ; but no member other than 
a society registered under the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, shall 
hold an interest in the funds exceeding £50. It shall be in the option of 
any society to apply for shares in excess of their individual membership 
at any time; such applications shall be signed by the president, secretary, 
and three members of committee, but the granting of such excess shares shall 
be at the discretion of the Committee of this Society. 

Any employe applying for membership must apply for not less than five 
shares. 

Capital : How Paid Up. 

The capital of the Society shall be raised in shares of twenty shillings 
each, which shall be transferable only ; every member, society, or employe, on 
admission, shall pay the sum of not less than one shilling on each share taken 
up, and the unpaid portion of the shares may be paid by dividends, or bonus, 
and interest ; but any member may pay up shares in full or in part at any 
time. 



10: 



Application Form. 

Whereas, by a resolution of the Co-operative 

Society Limited, passed at a general meeting held on the. . . .day 

of , it was resolved to take up sliares (being 

one share of twenty shillings for each member), said shares being 
transferable, in the ^rattish t&o-tsipZT&ii'az Mljolessk ^richi 
%im£kib f and to accept the same on the terms and conditions 
specified in the Rules. Executed under the seal of the society on 
the day of Attested by 



Three Members. 



BENEFITS DEEIVED FEOM MEMBEESHIP. 

(a) The liability of the member is limited, each member being only 
responsible for the value of the shares held. 

(6) Members receive double the rate of dividend on purchases paid to non- 
members. 

(c) Share capital is paid 5 per cent per annum. 

(d) Members have a share in the management of the Wholesale in pro- 
portion to the amount of goods bought, as each society has one vote in right 
of membership, one for the first £1,000 worth of goods bought, and one other 
additional vote for every complete £2,000 of purchases thereafter. 

These advantages, added to the special benefits secured by the leading 
position of the Wholesale, will, we trust, induce societies as yet non-members 
to carefully reconsider the question, and take the necessary steps to secure to 
their members the full benefits of co-operative distribution. 



COEEESPONDENCE. 

All letters must be addressed to the Society, and not to individuals. 
Addressed envelopes are supplied at cost price. Separate slips ought to be 
used for the different departments — the Accountant's, Grocery and Provision, 
Drapery, Boot and Shoe, Furniture. The slips can all be enclosed in the one 
envelope. Attention to this simple rule will greatly facilitate the despatch of 
goods and ensure promptitude in answering inquiries ; it will also aid in the 
classification of the letters for reference in any case of irregularity or dispute. 



103 



Casb 


IRemtttance. 


Cheques niust be made payable to the Society. If remitted through the Union 


Bank of Scotland Limited, 1 


jhe usual commission charged will be saved. 


LIST 


OF BRANCHES 


UNION BANK OF SCOTLAND LIMITED. 


Head Offices: — Glasgow, Ingram Street; Edinburgh, George Street. 


London Office: — 62, Cornhill, E.C. 


Branches : 


Aberdeen. 


Edinburgh, Murrayfield. 


Leith. 


Aberdeen, George Street. 


„ Newington. 


Lerwick. 


„ Holburn. 


„ Norton Park. 


Leslie. 


West End. 


„ S. Morningside 


Lochgelly, Fifeshire. 


Aberfeldy. 


(sub to Morningside). 


Lochgilpnead. 


Aberlour, Strathspey. 


Edzell. 


Macduff. 


Alloa. 


Elgin. 


Maybole. 


Alva. 


Ellon. 


Mearns (open on Tuesdays and 


Ardrishaig. 


Errol. 


Fridays— sub to Barrhead). 


Ardrossan. 


Fochabers. 


Millport. 


Auchterarder. 


Forfar. 


Moffat. 


Auchtermuchty. 


Fraserburgh. 


Moniaive. 


Ayr. 


Galston. 


New Aberdour (open on Mon- 


Ballater. 


Gatehouse. 


days and Fridays — sub to 


Banchory. 


Girvan. 


Rosehearty). 


Banff. 


Glasgow, Anderston. 


New Pitsligo. 


Barrhead. 


„ Bridgeton Cross. 


Paisley. 


Barrhill. 




, Charing Cross. 


Paisley, Wellmeadow. 


Bathgate. 




, Cowcaddens. 


Partick. 


Beith. 




, Eglinton Street. 


Perth. 


Blair- Athole (sub to Pitlochrie). 




, Hillhead. 


Peterhead. 


Blairgowrie. 




, Hope Street. 


Pitlochrie. 


Bo'ness. 




, Kinning Park. 


Port-Glasgow. 


Braemar. 




, Maryhill. 


Portsoy. 


Brechin. 




, St. Vincent Street. 


Renfrew. 


Bridge of Allan. 




, Shawlands. 


Rosehearty. 


Buckie, Banffshire. 




, Springburn. 


St. Margaret's Hope, Orkney. 


Campbeltown. 




, Tradeston. 


Scalloway, Shetland (open on 


Castle-Douglas. 




, Trongate. 


Tuesdays and Fridays — sub 


Clydebank. 




, Union Street. 


to Lerwick). 


Coatbridge. 


Gourock. 


Shettleston. 


Coupar-Angus. 


Go van. 


Stewarton. 


Crieff. 


Greenock. 


Stirling. 


Cullen. 


Hamilton. 


Stonehouse (open on Mondays, 


Dalbeattie. 


Helensburgh. 


Wednesdays, and Fridays — 


Dairy, Galloway. 


Huntly. 


sub to Larkhall). 


Darvel (sub to Galston). 


Inveraray. 


Strachur, Lochfyne (open on 


Doune. 


Inverness. 


Thursdays-sub to Inveraray). 


Dumbarton. 


Inverurie. 


Stranraer. 


Dumfries. 


Irvine. 


Strathaven. 


Dunblane. 


Johnstone. 


Stromness. 


Dundee. 


Keith. 


Tarbert, Lochfyne. 


Dunkeld. 


Killin. 


Tarland. 


Dunning. 


Kilmarnock. 


Thornhill. 


Dunoon. 


Kincardine. 


Tillicoultry. 


Edinburgh, Forrest Road. 


Kirkcaldy. 


Tollcross. 


„ Golden Acre. 


Kirkwall. 


Troon. 


„ Haymarket. 


Kirriemuir. 


Turriff. 


„ Hunter Square. 


Ladybank. 


Wick. 


„ Lothian Road. 


Largs. 




„ Morningside. 


Larkhall. 





104 





Statement Showing the Progress of the 


Society 








Date, with Comparisons of 






Year 


Number of 

Shares 

Subscribed. 

Societies. 


Number of 
Shares 


Capital: 
Includes Share, 








or Quarter 


Sub- 


Loan Reserve, 


Net Sales. 






ending 


scribed. 
Employes. 


and Insurance 
Funds. 














£ 


£ 




Dec. 7, 1868 




* 


1,795 


9,697 


1st Year — 52 weeks 


Dec. 5,1869 






5,174 


81,049 


2nd , 


50 „ 


Nov.19, 1870 


. . 


. 




12,542 


105,294 


3rd 


52 „ 




, 18,1871 


. . 


. 




18,009 


162,658 


4th 


> » >> 




, 16,1872 


18,708 


. 




30,931 


262,530 


5th 


> >> >) 




, 15,1873 


21,271 


. 




50,433 


384,489 


6th 


> 5) )> 




, 14, 1874 


24,654 


. 




48,981 


409,947 


7th 


, ,, ,, 




, 13,1875 


27,112 


. 




56,750 


430,169 


8th 


51 „ 




, 4, 1876 


29,008 


. 




67,218 


457,529 


9th , 


52 „ 




, 3, 1877 


31,945 


. 




72,568 


589,221 


10th 


> >> )> 




, 2, 1878 


34,830 


. 




83,173 


600,590 


11th 






, 2, 1879 


36,008 






93,076 


630,097 


12th 


> )> i> 


Oct. 30, 1880 


41,584 






110,179 


845,221 


13th 


> >> >» 


Nov. 5,1881 


49,073 


. 




135,713 


986,646 


14th 


> i) )> 


„ 4, 1882 


53,684 


. 




169,428 


1,100,588 


15th 


> »j >> 


„ 3, 1883 


59,529 






195,396 


1,253,154 


16th 


> II >> 


„ 1, 1884 


65,331 


. 




244,186 


1,300,331 


17th , 


I )> )) 


Oct. 31, 1885 


70,066 


. 




288,945 


1,438,220 


18th 


60 „ 


Dec. 25, 1886 


79,874 






333,658 


1,857,152 


19th 


53 „ 


„ 31,1887 


87,220 






367,309 


1,810,015 


20th 


52 „ 


, 


, 29,1888 


96,521 






409,668 


1,963,853 


21st 


> ii >» 




, 28,1889 


107,004 


. 




480,622 


2,273,782 


22nd 


> >> >> 




, 27,1890 


117,664 


. 




575,322 


2,475,601 


23rd 


> >> >> 




, 26,1891 


131,086 


. 




671,108 


2,828,036 


24th 


53 „ 




, 31,1892 


139,022 






778,494 


3,104,768 


25th 


. 52 „ 




, 30,1893 


149,164 


2,726 


869,756 


3,135,562 


26th , 


i ii )> 




, 29,1894 


159,820 


2,629 


940,835 


3,056,582 


27th 


1 II )) 




, 28,1895 


171,985 


3,099 


1,134,269 


3,449,461 


28th , 


> )) )) 




, 26,1896 


189,763 


3,194 


1,237,317 


3,822,580 


29th , 


> )) >> 




, 25,1897 


211,859 


4,308 


1,286,624 


4,405,854 


30th , 


53 „ 




, 31,1898 


223,669 


5,054 


1,333,078 


4,692,330 


122-23rd 


Quarters 


July 1, 1899 


228,456 


5,154 


1,422,452 


2,400,834 





105 



FEOM ITS 


Commencement in September, 1868, till 


Sales and othek Information. 










Increase on 




Rate 
per £ 








Corresponding I Rate 








Gross Total. 


Quarter per cent 


Expenses. 








of previous Increase. 
Year. 




Sales. 






£ 


£ 


£ 












153 


3-8 


1st Quarter. 


90,791 






1,035 


3-0 


1st Year — 52 weeks. 


196,041 


24,155 


29-7 


• 1,549 


35 


2nd , 


, 50 , 




358,699 


57,408 


54-5 


2,180 


32 


3rd 


, 52 , 




621,230 


99,872 


61-4 


3,469 


3-1 


4th , 


> >> > 




1,005,719 


121,958 


46-4 


5,055 


3-1 


5th , 


> >> > 




1,415,667 


25,458 


66 


6,696 


39 


6th , 


» >> > 




1,845,836 


20,222 


49 


7,137 


3-9 


7th 


> >> > 




2,303,365 


27,359 


63 


7,540 


3-9 


8th , 


51 , 




2,892,586 


131,692 


28-7 


8,648 


3-5 


9th , 


, 52 , 




3,493,177 


11,369 


1-9 


10,095 


4-0 


10th , 






4,123,275 


29,507 


4-9 


11,117 


4-2 


11th 






4,968,496 


215,124 


34-1 


13,020 


3-7 


12th 






5,955,143 


141,424 


16-7 


15,757 


3-8 


13th , 






7,055,732 


113,942 


11-5 


19,686 


4-2 


14th 






8,308,886 


152,565 


13-8 


22,120 


4-2 


15th 






9,609,218 


47,177 


3-7 


24,307 


4-5 


16th 






11,047,438 


137,888 


106 


27,314 


4-5 


17th 






12,904,590 


418,931 


29-1 


36,942 


4-7 


18th 


! 60 | 




14,714,606 


153,965 


9-2 


35,800 


4-7 


19th , 


53 , 




16,678,460 


178,897 


100 


39,411 


4-8 


20th 


52 , 




18,952,242 


309,928 


15-7 


44,311 


4-6 


21st 


> >> > 




21,427,843 


201,819 


8-8 


49,641 


4-8 


22nd , 


> >> > 




24,255,880 


352,435 


14-2 


58,140 


4-8 


23rd 


> >) > 




27,360,648 


276,731 


9-7 


64,905 


5-0 


24th 


53 , 




30,496,211 


30,793 


10 


72,255 


55 


25th 


, 52 , 




33,552,794 


*78,979 


*2-5 


75,816 


59 


26th 


» >» > 




37,002,255 


392,878 12-8 


79,008 


5-4 


27th 


» >> > 




40,824,836 


373,119 108 84,044 


5-2 


28th , 


» )» > 




45,230,690 


583,273 15-2 96,782 


5-2 


29th 


» j» > 




49,923,021 


286,476 6-5 111,537 


5-7 


30th 


53 , 




52,323,855 


116,758 


5-1 56,426 


5-7 


122-23rd Quarters. 




* Decrease. 









106 





Statement Showing the Progress of 


the Society 






Date, with 


Comparisons of Sales, 




Year 

or Quarter 

ending 


Net Profit. 


Total 
Net Profit. 


Aver- 
age 
Divi- 
dend. 








£ 


£ 


d. 




December 7, 1868.. 


48 






1st Year — 52 weeks . 


December 5, 1869 . . 


1,303 


1,352 


H 


2nd , 


50 „ . 


November 19 


1870.. 


2,418 


3,770 


4f 


3rd , 


52 „ . 




18 


1871.. 


4,131 


7,902 


H 


4th , 


> )> >> • 




16 


1872.. 


5,435 


13,337 


4 


5th , 


» >> >> • 




15 


1873.. 


7,445 


20,783 


4| 


6th , 


> )> H • 




14 


1874.. 


7,553 


28,336 


*k 


7th , 


J >> 5J 




13 


1875.. 


8,232 


36,569 


4 


8th , 


51 „ . 




4 


1876.. 


8,836 


45,405 


4 


9th , 


52 „ . 




3 


1877.. 


10,925 


56,330 


4 


10th , 


> 5> 55 




2 


1878.. 


11,968 


68,298 


4 


11th , 


> 5) 5) 




2 


1879.. 


14,988 


83,287 


4| 


12th , 


> >> >> • 


October 30 


1880.. 


21,685 


104,973 


6f 


13th , 


53 „ . 


November 5 


1881.. 


23,981 


128,954 


6 


14th , 


52 „ . 


4 


1882.. 


23,219 


152,174 


5J 


15th , 


> >> >> 


3 


1883.. 


28,365 


180,540 


°4 


16th , 


> >j >> • 


1 


1884 . . 


29,434 


209,974 


5J 


17th , 


> 5) >> • 


October 31 


1885.. 


39,641 


249,616 


6| 


18th , 


60 „ . 


December 25 


1886.. 


50,398 


300,014 


6J 


19th , 


53 „ . 




31 


1887.. 


47,278 


347,293 


4 


20th , 


52 „ . 




29 


1888.. 


53,538 


400,832 


6i 


21st , 


j »> >> • 




28 


1889.. 


61,756 


462,588 


6J 


22nd , 


> j> >> • 




27 


1890.. 


76,545 


539,134 


7 


23rd , 


> >» j> 




26 


1891 . . 


89,090 


628,225 


6| 


24th , 


53 „ . 




23 


1892.. 


96,027 


724,252 


6f 


25th , 


52 „ . 




30 


1893.. 


89,116 


813,368 


<% 


26th , 


> j> >> • 




29 


1894.. 


88,452 


901,820 


6 


27th , 


> ii >> • 




28 


1895.. 


132,374 


1,034,195 


7 


28th , 


> >i >> • 




26 


1896.. 


174,982 


1,209,177 


7| 


29th , 


> »> »» • 




25 


1897.. 


156,341 


1,365,518 


8 


30th , 


53 „ . 




31 


1898.. 


165,580 


1,531,099 


7 


122-23rd 




July 1, 1899.. 


101,581 


1,632,681 


8 



107 



from its Commencement 


in September, 1868, till 


AND OTHER INFORMATION — 


continued. 














Depreciations 






1 Reserve 


and Insurance Funds. 


Allowed on Buildings 












and Fixtures. 






Added. 


Withdrawn. 


Total Amount. 


Amount. 


Total 
Amount. 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 






48 






9 


" 


1st Quarter. 


63 




112 


129 


138 


1st Year — 52 weeks. 


324 


m # 


436 


111 


250 


2nd , 


50 , 




578 


. , 


1,014 


205 


455 


3rd , 


52 , 




471 




1,485 


346 


801 


4th , 


> )> > 




355 


141 


1,700 


657 


1,439 


5th , 


> >> > 




1,049 


104 


2,644 


784 


2,243 


6th , 


> >> » 




338 


580 


2,402 


321 


2,565 


7th , 


> >> > 




791 


672 


2,522 


452 


3,017 


8th , 


51 , 




918 


343 


3,097 


485 


3,503 


9th , 


52 , 




721 


269 


3,549 


1,155 


4,659 


10th , 


> >> > 




2,215 


160 


5,606 


1,336 


5,995 


11th , 


> >> i 




3,134 


336 


8,404 


1,086 


7,082 


12th , 


> »> > 




3,086 


2,694 


8,796 


1,653 


8,735 


13th , 


53 , 




3,824 


334 


12,286 


1,688 


10,424 


14th , 


52 , 




3,801 


1,530 


14,557 


2,420 


12,844 


15th , 


> >> i 




4,438 


1,525 


17,471 


2,039 


14,884 


16th , 


> >> > 




4,393 


610 


21,254 


3,475 


18,359 


17th , 


> >» > 




5,628 


1,315 


25,566 


2,980 


21,340 


18th , 


60 , 




8,474 


1,389 


32,651 


3,019 


24,360 


19th , 


53 , 




7,615 


3,392 


36,874 


8,170 


32,530 


20th , 


52 , 




10,244 


2,941 


44,177 


6,284 


38,815 


21st , 


> >> > 




10,636 


1,931 


52,882 


6,843 


45,659 


22nd , 


» >> i 




12,326 


3,362 


61,846 


11,433 


57,092 


23rd , 


> >> > 




17,353 


5,052 


74,147 


10,219 


67,311 


24th , 


53 , 




15,205 


4,004 


85,348 


14,201 


81,512 


25th , 


52 , 




14,839 


34,460 


65,728 


48,404 


129,917 


26th , 


> >> > 




16,685 


3,782 


78,931 


35,871 


165,788 


27th , 


> >> > 




29,712 


4,878 


103,765 


41,454 


207,243 


28th , 


> >> > 




23,183 


3,381 


123,567 


33,869 


241,112 


29th , 


> 5) ) 




29,473 


5,933 


147,107 


52,997 


294,109 


30th , 


53 , 




13,948 


1,827 


159,227 


31,014 


325,123 


122-123] 


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126 



PEODUCTIVE DEPAETMENTS. 
Half-yearly Statement showing 



Half Year ending 



*May 

October 

May 
fDecernber 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 
J December 

July 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 
I December 

July 



2 
31 

1 
25 
25 
31 
30 
29 
29 
28 
28 
27 
27 
26 
25 
31 

1 
30 
30 
29 
29 
28 
27 
26 
26 
25 
25 
31 

1 



1885 
1885 
1886 
1886 
1887 
1887 
1888 
1888 
1889 
1889 
1890 
1890 
1891 
1891 
1892 
1892 
1893 
1893 
1894 
1894 
1895 
1895 
1896 
1896 
1897 
1897 
1898 
1898 
1899 



Transferred. 



Totals, 



£ 
3,298 

10,505 

11,992 

21,824 

14,863 

18,993 

14,421 

23,752 

22,306 

27,323 

27,000 

30,407 

32,049 

39,077 

37,242 

45,510 

47,638 

51,067 

46,791 

55,931 

55,806 

66,638 

33,329 

75,052 

71,058 

86,513 

78,951 

82,733 

92,125 



s. 
16 

15 

1 

5 

9 



10 11 

8 10 
4 3 

15 8 
7 10 

12 3 
10 8 

7 

18 1 
4 10 
11 

17 8 

8 4 

19 6 

9 10 
6 10 
6 11 

19 7 

14 4 

8 4 

19 11 

16 4 

8 1 

9 9 



Production. 



£ 
3,298 

10,505 

11,992 

21,824 

14,863 

18,971 

15,456 

23,911 

24,829 

29,256 

28,621 

30,503 

36,406 

36,629 

38,374 

47,150 

52,446 

46;571 

51,486 

59,200 

60,418 

71,710 

25,833 

81,530 

75,864 

84,579 

87,503 

75,295 

90,378 



1,224,209 14 11 



1,255,416 5 7 



Expenses. 



s. 
16 


d. 
7 


£ 
1,183 


15 


7 


3,328 


1 


5 


3,733 


5 


3 


6,391 


9 


5 


4,957 


7 


5 


6,080 





7 


5,506 


13 


1 


8,056 


5 


11 


8,341 


15 


8 


10,581 


13 


5 


10,465 


13 


1 


11,379 


9 


8 


12,584 


1 


10 


13,442 


15 


3 


14,141 


2 


10 


17,174 


7 


4 


18,043 


6 


2 


18,989 


16 


6 


19,553 


17 


5 


21,447 


2 


5 


22,869 


15 





23,958 


19 


5 


15,864 


17 


3 


25,886 


19 


3 


27,945 


3 


1 


30,646 


12 


9 


30,670 


13 


10 


31,020 


8 


2 


33,602 



s. d. 
10 5 

18 5 

7 5 

18 6 

18 9 

12 7 

7 8 

18 10 

2 10 

3 6 
6 5 

17 10 
3 
9 3 

17 



11 10 
9 6 
5 10 

19 4 
14 5 
14 10 
17 4 
10 4 
10 2 
5 6 

12 8 
4 



457,848 12 6 



* Thirteen weeks. 



Thirty-four weeks. 



t Twenty-seven weeks. 



127 



BOOT AND SHOE FACTOKY. 


Expenses and Net Profit. 


Rate per 

cent on 

Production. 


Net Profit 
on Production. 


Rate per 

cent on 

Production. 


Net Loss. 


Rate per 
cent. 


Stocks. 


35-87 


£ s. d. 




£ s. d. 
47 9 10 


1-42 


£ 

2,176 


31-68 


240 19 3 


2-28 






3,435 


31-12 


247 1 10 


2-05 














4,042 


29-28 


867 3 2 


3-97 














4,020 


33-35 


124 7 11 


0-83 














7,350 


32-04 


1,013 15 11 


5-33 














5,406 


35-62 


687 14 1 


4-44 














7,886 


33-69 


1,072 2 11 


4-48 














11,869 


33-59 


1,041 3 7 


4-19 














12,588 


36-16 


1,509 19 4 


5-15 














15,890 


36-56 


1,867 10 10 


6-52 














19,920 


37-30 


1,744 10 11 


5-71 














17,349 


34-56 


1,635 2 2 


4-49 














24,080 


36-69 


1,996 18 7 


5-45 














18,292 


36-85 


2,115 17 8 


5-51 














18,006 


36-42 


2,743 19 7 


5-82 














18,220 


34-40 


4,070 11 6 


7-76 














24,660 


40-77 


3,360 15 11 


7-21 














20,696 


37-97 


3,378 12 5 


6-56 














27,948 


36-22 


4,052 10 


6-84 














27,177 


37-85 


3,701 7 10 


6-12 














33,558 


33-41 


5,678 11 5 


7-91 














35,328 


61-40 


1,177 12 4 


4-55 














44,226 


31-74 


5,296 14 10 


6-49 














34,019 


36-83 


4,330 3 2 


5-70 














40,484 


36-23 


3,474 2 2 


4-10 














38,889 


35-05 


4,665 18 


5-33 














42,058 


41-19 


3,070 1 


4-07 














41,010 


37-18 


3,878 5 11 


4-29 














40,225 


36-47 


69,043 13 4 




47 9 10 








.... 




47 9 10 











68.996 3 6 


5-49 















128 



PEODUCTIVE DEPAETMENTS. 

CABINET 



Half Year ending 



May 

October 

May 
* December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 
f December 

July 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

December 

June 

f December 
July 



2, 1885 . 
31, 1885 , 

1, 1886 
25, 1886 

25, 1887 
81, 1887 

30, 1888 
29, 1888 

29, 1889 
28, 1889 

28, 1890 
27, 1890 

27, 1891 

26, 1891 

25, 1892 

31, 1892 
1, 1893 

30, 1893 

30, 1894 

29, 1894 
29, 1895 

28, 1895 

27, 1896 

26, 1896 
26, 1897 
25, 1897 
25, 1898 

31, 1898 
1, 1899 



Transferred. 



£ s. d. 
482 11 10 

805 18 

732 8 1 

1,499 5 10 

1,202 14 1 

1,286 2 6 

1,418 3 10 

2,671 15 2 

3,275 7 

4,379 

6,137 16 

7,200 18 

6,976 13 6 

7,702 14 3 

7,556 16 4 

8,961 9 5 

8,532 16 8 

8,351 5 9 

8,763 6 1 

9,837 7 10 

10,344 12 9 

11,245 11 3 

11,726 12 3 

13,245 17 10 

14,066 3 7 

13,551 16 6 

14,887 

18,490 10 3 

17,841 10 4 



Production. 



£ s. d. 
482 11 10 

805 18 

732 8 1 

1,499 5 10 

1,202 14 1 

1,354 12 11 

1,452 12 5 

2.871 11 
3,409 18 
4,362 1 6 
6,116 7 10 
7,312 2 1 
7,340 2 9 
7,806 11 
7,784 17 1 
9,602 
9,781 11 7 

7.872 10 10 
8,719 3 

10,378 12 10 
7,783 11 10 
10,119 10 4 
12,431 5 
13,366 18 9 
13,858 11 
12,057 2 9 
16,925 13 6 
16,158 3 
19,375 9 7 



Expenses 
on Production. 



Total 223,174 7 1 222,963 5 7 



£ 

282 

442 
428 
776 
639 
739 
714 
1,595 
1,835 
2,186 
3,260 
3,855 
3,931 
4,065 
4,251 
5,020 
4,937 
5,037 
5,022 
5,914 
5,502 
5,744 
6,081 
7,077 
7,456 
7,708 
7,805 
9,581 
9.928 



s. d. 
11 9 

17 3 

11 

10 10 

11 8 



17 

18 

3 

15 

9 

18 
8 
9 
6 
2 
15 
16 
6 



7 11 
12 10 
12 

17 3 
3 9 

14 11 
5 8 

15 11 
10 7 

18 8 

19 10 



121,826 19 2 



* Thirty-four weeks. 



t Twenty-seven weeks. 



129 



HALF-YEAELY STATEMENT. 


WOEKS 






Rate per 
cent. 


Net Profit 
on Production. 


Rate per 
cent. 


Net Loss. 


Rate per 

cent. 


Stocks. 


58-50 


£ s. a. 




£ s. d. 

6 4 1 1-24 


£ 
294 


54-90 


26 14 4 


3-22 






364 


58-47 


16 1 4 


2-18 






484 


51-76 


83 10 11 


5-53 






425 


53-16 


24 19 3 


2-07 






676 


54-57 


42 11 9 


3-10 




.... 


1,069 


49-17 


36 17 3 


2-48 






1,281 


55-55 






57 9 4 


1-98 


2,152 


53-82 


49 8 7 


1-43 






2,358 


50-11 


134 9 11 


307 






2,466 


5330 


478 5 4 


7-81 






3,470 


52-72 


420 19 9 


5-75 






4,975 


53-55 


.... 




40 12 10 


0-54 


5,484 


52-07 


215 6 10 


2-75 




.... 


6,124 


54-61 


216 4 7 


2-77 






5,845 


52-28 


724 4 5 


7-54 






6,808 


50-48 


510 16 10 


5-21 






7,976 


63-98 


600 19 11 


7-63 






8,696 


57-59 


365 12 5 


4-18 




.... 


8,139 


56-98 


302 10 3 


2-91 






9,233 


70-69 


470 14 2 


6-03 




.... 


8,826 


56-76 


533 9 


5-26 






8,552 


48-91 


820 8 7 


6-59 




.... 


9,287 


52-94 


974 19 7 


7-29 






10,384 


53-80 


977 1 4 


7-05 




.... 


10,734 


63-93 


601 13 3 


4-98 






11,726 


46-11 


768 15 2 


4-53 






11,503 


59-30 


706 2 1 


4-36 




.... 


12,520 


51-24 


114 17 


0-59 






13,710 


54-64 


10,217 13 10 
104 6 3 





104 6 3 






10,113 7 7 


4-53 



10 



130 



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138 



Employes, 



NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, SEPTEMBEE 30th, 1899. 

Distributive Departments. Collective 

Totals. 

General Office Glasgow 144 

Grocery „ 109 

Stationery „ 9 

Potato „ 10 

Cattle Buying n 1 

Coal „ 1 

Drapery, Mantle and Millinery Workrooms „ 270 

Boot „ 58 

Furniture „ 100 

Carting and Fodder „ 139 

Cleaners „ 12 

Dining-room „ 12 

Shieldhall 16 

881 

Leith 83 

Kilmarnock 25 

Dundee 3 

Enniskillen and Creameries 62 

Edinburgh — Sample-roorn 18 

Greenock — Sugar Forwarding 1 

192 

Productive Departments. 

Boot Factory, Currying, &c Shieldhall 992 

,, „ Parkview Glasgow 268 

Clothing Factory ShieldhaU 319 

,, „ Glasgow 117 

Shirt and Underclothing Factory Shieldhall 239 

Hosiery Factory „ 100 

Slop „ „ 93 

Mantle „ Glasgow 71 

Waterproof Factory „ 72 

Umbrella Factory „ 7 s 

Saddlers' Shop ,, 9 

Cabinet Factory Shieldhall 291 

2,578 

Carried forward 3,651 



139 



NUMBEK OF EMPLOYES, SEPTEMBER 30th, 1899. 

Productive Departments — continued. Collective 

Totals. 

Broughtf forward 3,651 

Brush [Factory Shieldhall 35 

Tinware „ „ 51 

Mechanics' Department „ 54 

Cartwright Shop „ 30 

Printing Department „ 195 

Preserve and Confection Factory „ 216 

Coffee Essence „ „ 23 

Pickle „ „ 62 

Drug Department „ 75 

Tobacco Factory „ 127 

Miscellaneous „ 8 

Sausage Factory Glasgow 17 

Ham Curing „ 28 

Aerated Water Factory „ 23 

Chancelot Mills Edinburgh 99 

Junction „ Leith 49 

Ettrick „ Selkirk 145 

Snap Works Grangemouth 64 

Farm, Carbrook Mains Larbert 11 

Creamery Wigtown 21 

1,333 

Building Department. 

Glasgow — Joiners 54 

Bricklayers 15 

Hewers 6 

Labourers 62 

Coopers 2 

Slaters 3 

Plasterers 7 

Plumbers 17 

Painters 21 

Management 7 

194 

Edinburgh and Wigtown — Joiners 8 

Masons 2 

Slaters 2 

Plasterer 1 

Labourers 10 

Painter 1 

Plumber 1 

25 

Total 5,203 



140 



Bonus to Xabouv. 



The payment of bonus, since its institution in 1870, lias taken three 
different forms. Till 1884 employes received, on wages earned, double the 
rate per £ allocated as dividend on members' purchases. This arrangement 
was then replaced by one which set aside the double claim of the employe, 
and, recognising a difference between workers in the distributive and produc- 
tive departments, established a differential rate. The distributive employes 
received the same rate of bonus as was the rate of dividend on members' 
purchases, and the rate of bonus to productive workers was determined by the 
net aggregate profit made in the manufacturing departments only. This 
arrangement continued till 1892, when the system of bonus payment was 
again revised. Hitherto the whole bonus allocated had been paid over ; but 
the present system, which allows a uniform rate to both distributive and 
productive departments, requires that one-half of each worker's bonus be 
retained and put to his credit, forming a special fund, called the Bonus Loan 
Fund. This capital bears interest at the rate of 3 per cent per annum, and 
is not withdrawable until the expiry of three months after leaving the service 
of the Society, unless with the consent of the Committee. 

EMPLOYE-SHAREHOLDERS. 

Simultaneously with the introduction of the present scheme of bonus, 
arrangements were made to permit of employes becoming shareholders in 
the Society. The number of shares held by one individual may range from 
five to fifty of twenty shillings each, and the paid-up capital bears interest at 
the rate of 5 per cent per annum. By the rules of the Society, the share- 
holding employes are entitled to send one representative to the quarterly 
meeting, and one for every 150 employes who become shareholders. At the 
present time there are 301 shareholders, which permits of a representation 
of three at the business meetings of the Society. 



141 



The following statements show the amount of bonus paid each year since 
1870, and the total amount thus paid to employes, also the Bonus Loan Fund 
and the Employe-Shareholders' Fund at 1st July, 1S99 : — 



First Bonus Scheme. 



Quarter ending November 19, 1870 . 



Amount. 
£ s. a. 

5 11 



Average 

Rate per £. 

s. d. 



Year 



90 1 8 



18, 1871 

16, 1872 

15, 1873 

14,1874 116 9 

13, 1875 109 15 1 

4, 1876 10S 13 4 

3, 1877 121 10 

2, 187S 117 17 

2,1879 203 3 

October 30,1880 322 9 

November 5, 1881 368 3 

4,1882 453 9 

3,1883 512 3 

1,1884 484 2 



.... 8 

40 10 lOg 

52 7 9* 



.... 9* 

.... 8£ 

.... 8 

.... 8 

.... 8 

.... 8 

9J 

3 1 1 

5 1 

1 11 

11$ 

6 94 



Second Bonus Scheme. 



Year ending 

October 31, 1885 
December 25, 1886 

31, 1877 
29, 1888 
28, 1889 
27, 1890 
26, 1891 
31, 1892 



Distributive 
Amount. 
£ s. d. 

483 13 1 . 

873 6 . 

603 2 . 

683 12 1 . 

833 16 10 . 

1,139 6 10 . 

1,208 9 3 . 

1,813 8 3 . 



Rate 
per £. 
s. d. 

. 6§ 

. 6| 

. 6f 

. 6| 

• 6^ 

. 7 

. 6f 

. 6i 



Productive 
Amount. 
£ s. d. 



315 2 1 

628 11 7 

1,016 14 10 

1,752 10 6 

1,802 14 9 

2,320 11 4 



Rate 
per £. 
s. d. 



4 
7 
Si 
11 
9 
9 



142 



Present Bonus Scheme. 



Rate 
per £. 
s. d. 



£ s. d. 
Year ending December 30, 1893 3,775 15 6| 



29, 1894 3,563 18 9 



6 



28, 1895 4,634 14 7£ 

26, 1896 5,965 17 9 7| 

25, 1897 7,431 8 8 8 

31, 1898 7,017 2 6 7 

Half Year ending July 1, 1899 4,399 17 4 8 



Total amount paid as bonus to 1st July, 1899 £55,429 10 11 

Amount of Bonus Loan Fund at 1st July, 1899 10,424 15 11 

Employe-Shareholders' Fund at 1st July, 1899 — 301 employes bolding 
5,154 shares, with £3,906. Is. 8d. paid up. 




143 



Cbe Reeds of Secondarp 

education. 




BY H. DE B. GIBBINS, LITT.D., M.A., 

Sometime Scholar of Wadham College and University Prizeman, 

Oxford. 

INTRODUCTORY. 

LTHOUGH at the present time everybody who has 
anything to do with secondary education is convinced 
that its needs are both many and urgent, it is re- 
markable that this conviction has been a matter of 
comparatively slow growth. It is now nearly forty 
years ago since the first Eoyal Commission on 
Secondary Education sat, in 1861, to take evidence as to the con- 
dition of the nine great public schools (viz., Eton, Winchester, 
Westminster, Charterhouse, St. Paul's, Merchant Taylors', Harrow, 
Bugby, and Shrewsbury) ; and, though these forty years have 
been productive of remarkable changes in the political, social, and 
commercial life of the nation, it is only quite recently that our 
legislators have awakened to the fact that the needs of secondary 
education have grown with the times, and that the time is now 
fully ripe to begin to meet them. 

COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY. 

The Commission of 1861, just referred to, only touched those 
few schools which formed then, as they form now, the apex of the 
pyramid of English education. These schools, admirable as they 
were, and still are, only represented a fraction of the great whole 
of secondary instruction. They provided education only for a 
favoured few who could afford to pay high fees and to mix with 
schoolfellows of comparatively high social standing, and they still 
provide it on the same lines. It was felt that another inquiry was 
necessary, the scope of which should include the hundreds of 
endowed grammar schools, both small and large, which had been 



144 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



founded at various dates, going back into the mists of mediaeval 
antiquity, by beneficent individuals or societies, and which for 
several centuries had furnished the main bulk of our secondary 
tuition. Accordingly a second Commission was appointed at the 
close of the year 1864, and it issued in 1867 a very excellent report, 
dealing with certain reforms thought to be necessary in the applica- 
tion and management of these old endowments, and making certain 
suggestions for the establishment of definite authorities to supervise 
the area of instruction covered by these schools. It is curious and 
instructive to notice that these suggestions of 1867 included (1) a 
Central Authority for Education, (2) a Local or Provincial Authority, 
and (3) a Central Council for the arrangement of school examina- 
tion and inspection. It has needed the experience of thirty years 
to convince people that a central authority is absolutely necessary, 
but meanwhile a well-known Act, entitled "The Endowed 
Schools Act, 1869," constituted what since that time has partially 
served the purpose of a central authority, viz., the Endowed 
Schools Commission, soon afterwards merged into the better 
known "Charity Commission," which still exists. 

THE CHARITY COMMISSION. 

The object of this permanent Commission has been to frame 
schemes of management for all schools which possess an endow- 
ment ; and by these schemes great reforms and improvements have 
been quietly effected in many old institutions, whose usefulness has 
been further extended and whose work has thus been directed in a 
definite manner. 

But, although more than 900 such endowments have been dealt 
with by the Charity Commission, there still remain not a few 
schools which are outside its scope, while in various other cases 
the limited powers of the Commission have not been able to deal 
completely with every case. 

Such as it is, however, the Charity Commission has remained 
till the present time as the sole central authority for secondary 
education. It is only empowered to deal with a certain class of 
schools, viz., those which derive funds from some ancient endow- 
ment and therefore it has come to pass that it now by no means 
controls or takes cognisance of the whole field of modern educa- 
tional developments. None of the other recommendations of the 
Commission of 1864-67 were carried into effect, and the result is 
that other authorities and agencies are now found covering the 
ground over which the authority of the Charity Commission does 
not extend. This is especially the case in many of the great 
centres of population, many of which have grown into towns with 



145 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



thousands of inhabitants, who have no old endowed schools in their 
midst to give a higher education to those who need it, or who have 
found the old foundations quite inadequate to meet the many needs 
and difficulties which have arisen in modern times. The city of 
Liverpool is a remarkable example of a modern town which pos- 
sesses absolutely no endowments for secondary education, but 
where secondary education has necessarily been provided by 
various agencies quite outside the scope of the Charity Commission. 

PRESENT AGENCIES OF EDUCATION < BOARD SCHOOLS. 

Before going further it will be useful, therefore, to see what 
agencies now exist in our country for secondary instruction apart 
from the few great public schools alluded to above and the 
grammar schools, some 600 in number, possessing ancient but 
often insufficient endowments. We notice first of all the Higher 
Grade Board Schools — institutions which, although they give 
instruction in subjects that are avowedly neither elementary nor 
contemplated by the original promoters of elementary education, 
nevertheless evidently meet a want felt by a very large class of the 
community. These higher grade schools are in reality secondary 
schools, though by no means of the highest type, but such as they 
are they fill a certain void in the educational area. They are 
nearly all on the same model, viz.,' schools of science, because 
their curricula are framed to meet the wants of the Science and 
Art Department of South Kensington, being so framed not because 
their promoters believe that instruction in science must always and 
everywhere be the best form of instruction possible, but simply 
because the State gives grants in money for the teaching of science, 
and it is from these grants that a large portion of the maintenance 
of such schools is derived. 

THE SCIENCE AND ART DEPARTMENT. 

The next agency is this Science and Art Department to which 
allusion has just been made. The ostensible and main object of 
this department (whose grants date back to 1837) was to promote 
proper instruction in subjects coming under the general heading of 
science and art. For every pupil who attends a regular course of 
lessons and passes certain of its examinations the Department pays 
a grant of money, which, in the case of an institution such as a 
technical school or a grammar school, with many classes, often 
amounts to a considerable sum per annum. The quantity of 
teaching thus given in science and art subjects has consequently 
increased greatly, and the quality has also been vastly improved, 
while many schools have found the Department's money a valuable 

11 



146 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



addition to their yearly income. The Department also allows 
schools to be started, as distinct from mere separate classes in one 
or more subjects, and these schools work to a general scheme of 
education in which science forms the predominant feature, receiving 
large grants to enable them to carry on their work. The payments 
now made by the Science and Art Department amount to about 
£143,000 a year, which is received by schools of all sorts and 
descriptions, from the old endowed grammar schools whose senior 
scholars proceed to the Universities, down to the humblest 
elementary school whose pupils may be drawn from the slums. 
The work done by this Department has been of a truly national 
character, and has had a most important influence on English 
education; but, unfortunately, as science and art are the only 
subjects for which grants may be paid, the result has been that a 
large mass of educational effort has been too exclusively directed 
in one groove to the exclusion of other equally useful teaching in 
foreign languages and commercial subjects. 

UNIVERSITY COLLEGES. 

A third agency, the influence of which has been less direct but 
is nevertheless very far-reaching, may be noted in the rise of what 
are called local Universities, or "University Colleges," in most of 
our large towns. These have grown up in the last twenty years, 
or less, and provide in cities like Manchester, Liverpool, Birming- 
ham, and Nottingham a kind of education approximating to the 
University type, though in many cases really quite below a 
University standard and only parallel to that given equally well 
by the higher teaching of local grammar schools. The University 
Colleges of Manchester, Liverpool, and Leeds are connected 
together so as to form the Victoria University, which grants its 
own degrees, while other colleges work up to the degree standard 
of the London University. The London University it may be 
noted is, strictly speaking, not a University in the ordinary sense, 
as it provides no teaching or place of teaching, but is merely an 
examining body. It has, however, done excellent work in fixing a 
sound general standard of knowledge of University grade, to which 
any single student or any educational institution may work. The 
local University Colleges have rapidly increased both in numbers 
and popularity, and though their standard is necessarily low at 
present, they will probably in time raise it to a higher level and 
approximate more closely to the numerous local Universities which 
are so marked a feature of German education. At present their 
main danger seems to be a greater regard for number of students 
than for quality of teaching and learning. 



147 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



THE COUNTY COUNCILS. 

There remains a fourth agency of a most important character, 
namely, the agency of the County Councils. Under the Technical 
Instruction Act of 1889 the Council of any County or County 
Borough was empowered to levy a rate not exceeding one penny 
in the pound for the support or aid of technical or manual instruc- 
tion ; but this rating power was not very widely employed, and 
probably no very great impulse would have been given to educa- 
tion thereby until public opinion was more ready to consent to the 
imposition of further burdens upon the rates. But soon funds 
for this purpose were forthcoming from another source. In 1890 
technical instruction was named in the Local Taxation Act of that 
year as one of the purposes to which local authorities might apply 
the money paid over to them by the Exchequer out of the beer 
and spirit duties. This "whisky money," as it is popularly called, 
has, therefore, become a most important factor in the promotion of 
technical education by local authorities, and though in some cases 
it has possibly been applied "not wisely but too well," it has on 
the whole been of immense benefit to the cause of education 
generally. From it County and City Councils now pay grants not 
only for the promotion of special instruction in definitely technical 
subjects, but also for the general support of local institutions, such 
as insufficiently endowed secondary schools, in order to enable 
them to perform their educational work more efficiently. 

PRIVATE EFFORT I COMPANY SCHOOLS. 

The agencies which we have so far noted have all been of a 
public nature. The Charity Commission, the Science and Art 
Department, and the County Councils are all of a public character. 
Their influence and work have influenced English education most 
widely during the last ten or twenty years. But there has also been 
a certain amount of private effort which, although it may be small 
compared with the work of public bodies, has nevertheless 1 had an 
appreciable influence in certain directions. Thus we have the large 
boarding schools started by companies of shareholders, and known 
as proprietary schools, which are usually of one of three kinds : (1) 
a purely philanthropic institution which makes no return to those 
who have advanced money for the original building ; (2) a company 
paying a limited interest or dividend (the limit being usuallv 5 
per cent) ; or (3) a company paying a dividend in the ordinary way 
varying with the annual profits. To the first class belong such 
well-known boarding schools as Clifton, Marlborough, and Eossall, 
or a day school like Liverpool College. The most important 
example of the second class is to be found rather in the field of girls' 



148 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



education than of boys', for the Girls' Public Day Schools Company 
has established in various towns some thirty-six schools which 
have been of great benefit to the locality. They only contain, how- 
ever, about 7,000 girls, an infinitesimal fraction of the whole number 
of girls of school age in the country. The Church Day Schools 
Company has also been very successful, and has established twenty- 
four schools for girls. It is curious to note, however, that these 
very same companies have by no means been so successful in the 
few schools which they have established for boys, but this may 
possibly be because the number of endowed and public schools 
already provided for boys is so far in excess of those for girls. 
There are not many proprietary schools of importance in the third 
class, viz., those which pay a varying dividend out of profits, and 
perhaps it is as well that there should not be. 

PRIVATE SCHOOLS KEPT BY INDIVIDUALS. 

But there remains one part of the field of secondary education 
which we have not yet considered, but which contains a very large 
proportion indeed of the number of secondary scholars of the 
country, both boys and girls, but especially the latter. Private 
schools flourish in England to an extent almost unknown elsewhere. 
Their number has been estimated as high as 15,000, while the lowest 
estimate is 10,000, and, although the decrease in the number of 
such schools has been considerable since 1868, they still form an 
important item in the total of English education. The average 
number of pupils attending them is given by the Eoyal Commission 
of 1895 (Report, Vol. I., p. 51) as forty to fifty for each school, so 
that, taking the lowest estimate, there must be 400,000 children of 
school age attending them, and possibly as many as 750,000. A 
large number of such schools are engaged in preparing boys for 
entrance into the great public schools, and as their arrangements 
must, therefore, follow more or less the lines of the schools for 
which they prepare, these preparatory schools may be considered 
the most satisfactory type of private effort. There are also a few 
good private boarding schools managed on public school lines. 
But it is to be feared that a great number of the remainder are 
hardly satisfactory as educational institutions, and many are most 
inferior. The Commission of 1895 Eeport remarks : "Though the 
worst type of private schools is rarer than it was thirty years ago, 
yet the general result of our inquiries has been to show that a large 
proportion of these schools are unsatisfactory." Moreover, it is 
pointed out that a large number of private schools which profess 
to be secondary are really only elementary in the kind of instruction 
which they give, and it is certain that the elementary teaching 






149 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION, 



thus given is not so good as that of "elementary" schools. But 
the question of private schools will recur later when we come to 
deal with the needs of secondary education. 

So far we have merely surveyed the existing agencies which 
provide it, or which attempt to do so. \Ye have noted that the 
typical secondary school, as it may be termed, is the old endowed 
grammar school, and certainly this class of school has formed for 
centuries the backbone of secondary education in England. In 
recent times the endowments of many of these schools have proved 
insufficient for the requirements of the district, and consequently 
their fees have been too high for many scholars to attend them. 
In other cases, while these old endowed schools have been doing 
excellent work, they have had to suffer from the competition of 
schools established either by the School Board or some other local 
authority, whereas a better plan would have been to supplement 
the resources of the existing school rather than to set up an 
entirely new one. But it has also become evident that something 
more besides the old grammar school is needed, and we have seen 
the field now fairly well filled with other institutions of various 
kinds. But this very process of filling the field has brought to 
light the first and foremost need of secondary education in this 
country. 

THE NEED FOR ORGANISATION. 

That chief need can be summed up in the one word " organisa- 
tion." It is a remarkable fact that, while our system of elementary 
education is fairly well organised, and is, in fact, a system and not 
merely a muddle, our forces for higher education are wasted and 
scattered in various directions without being brought together into 
one systematic whole. It seems fairly evident that we have now 
sufficient agencies and institutions for secondary work, or, if we 
have not sufficient, we certainly have the means of supplying 
them, but what is now wanted is to bring all these forces and 
agencies into one harmonious whole, and to reduce chaos into 
order. Until we do this we shall continue to lag behind foreign 
nations, like Germany, which provide an organised scheme of 
education from the lowest to the highest point. Moreover, the 
very existence of our now complete scheme of elementary educa- 
cation urges us on to bring our higher education also into line lest 
we leave a good foundation without any superstructure, or, what 
is worse, with a superstructure built up in a careless and haphazard 
manner. 

THE BILL OF 1899. 

The need of organisation, however, has during the last few 
years made itself so keenly felt that at length the powers of 



150 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



legislation have been invoked, and during the year 1899 a 
beginning has been made in the Government Bill introduced by the 
Duke of Devonshire just before Easter of that year. This Bill 
only makes a beginning, but even so is most important as laying 
the foundation for a fuller scheme of secondary education to follow. 
In introducing this measure, the Duke said there was no intention 
of bringing secondary education under any centralised control such 
as was the case in elementary education, but that, on the other 
hand, the creation of local authorities ought to be preceded by 
the constitution of a central authority, which, without unduly 
controlling the local authorities, might yet give them information, 
advice, and guidance such as they could not obtain from the 
isolated and detached departments now existing. The powers 
and duties of these old departments, the Educational Department 
and the Science and Art Department, would be concentrated into 
one, while the powers of the Charity and Endowed Schools 
Commission would also be transferred partly to this new depart- 
ment in so far as they related to the inspection and examination 
of schools. The new department, in fact, is to be a Board after 
the model of the Board of Trade and the Board of Agriculture, but 
with the exception that, unlike the latter, it would have a 
Parliamentary Secretary as well as a President. As regards the 
constitution of the Board, at least two-thirds of its members would 
be representatives of the Universities or of other teaching bodies. 

The first step has thus been made in providing for the proper 
organisation of secondary education, and it will probably prove 
later to have been a wise measure to thus constitute a Central 
Board, which can guide the numerous local authorities which will 
be created later. But it is these local authorities which will pro- 
bably afford the greatest difficulty in making the next step. 

THE LOCAL AUTHORITY. 

The Report of 1895 remarked (Vol. I., p. 266) :— 

We have found the constitution of local authorities one of the most 
difficult, as it is one of the most important, portions of our task. Both in 
town and country, existing public bodies are to some extent in possession of 
the field ; and we have to consider not merely what plans are best in principle, 
but which could be introduced with the least friction, and the least disturbance 
of existing arrangements. 

There are two questions which at once press for a solution: 
What is to be the area of local management; and then, how is the 
authority for that area to be formed? It seems now to be ad- 
mitted on nearly all sides, as regards area, that the county borough 
for urban area, and the county for the rural area, are the most 



151 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



suitable units. Of course, there may be in some districts cases in 
which the exact limits of counties would be more wisely modified 
for educational purposes, especially, for example, in the county of 
Lancashire, where the southern portion with its numerous manu- 
facturing towns and dense artisan population is sharply differentiated 
from the rural characteristics of the northern portion round More- 
cambe Bay. But these are merely matters of detail. A greater 
difficulty arises in the question of the members of the new authority. 
We have the County Councils or County Boroughs on the one 
hand, and the School Boards on the other, each claiming a voice 
in the management of secondary education. The Councils, as 
administering the grants for technical instruction, have already, in 
many cases, gained considerable influence over secondary education 
locally, while the School Boards have also made good their 
footing on the same ground. In his speech introducing the 
Government Bill (14th March, 1899) the Duke of Devonshire 
complained that School Boards have "encroached" upon ground 
not properly their own, and even the most ardent admirer of 
Higher Grade Board Schools can hardly maintain that they 
have any legal right to existence. Xor can it fairly be contended 
that secondary schools should be governed by an authority that 
was only and avowedly constituted for elementary work. Yet, on 
the other hand, no one can deny that the School Boards, in setting 
up higher grade schools, have been doing a good work in educa- 
tion, and have filled a space which existing agencies have somehow 
left empty. To this extent School Boards which have established 
higher grade schools may certainly claim proper recognition on 
any future local authority. They also have a claim to representa- 
tion on the ground that, as secondary cannot be completely cut off 
from primary education, but that one forms a preparation for the 
other, it would be unfair to deprive School Boards of some voice in 
a grade of education higher than that which they themselves 
provide. 

But when, as in some towns already (for example, in Liver- 
pool), the School Board claims such a large amount of representation 
as one-third of the total number of members in the local authority, 
it is obvious that this is exceeding all due proportion, for School 
Boards, valuable as they are, were never meant to provide secondary 
instruction, and still less to supervise it, neither do they possess 
the requisite educational qualifications or the wide educational out- 
look necessary for this secondary w T ork. It can, therefore, only be 
hoped that, while due recognition is given to the excellent work 
achieved already by School Boards, there will not be an undue 
proportion of School Board representatives upon the local 
authority. 



152 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



THE MEMBERS OF THE LOCAL AUTHORITY. 

But it is evident that one of the great needs of secondary edu- 
cation is that these local authorities should be constituted with 
proper care for the interests not of one local body or another, but 
for the higher education of the citizens as a whole. The difficulty 
arises when we have to face the question, What kind of representa- 
tives are best fitted to deal with the problems of secondary teaching ? 
It is obvious that many of the excellent citizens who constitute the 
City and County Councils and the local School Boards have the 
best intentions, but it is doubtful whether their zeal in education is 
always "according to knowledge." For one thing, the English 
nation as a whole is not by any means so highly educated as the 
German or Swiss, and its citizens are, therefore, less able to deal 
with educational questions. Especially is this the case when these 
questions become of a more complex and. difficult character than 
those involved in the working of elementary schools. We may 
derive some comfort from the fact that the business men of cities 
like Manchester and Liverpool have achieved considerable success 
in the development of local education on University lines ; but that 
success — such as it is — is due mainly to two causes : first, because 
they have followed very closely the advice of avowed educational 
experts ; and secondly, because in cities so large as those mentioned 
there are a sufficient number of local citizens who have been to a 
public school or a University, and have, therefore, received an edu- 
cation superior to that of the average commercial man. But such 
conditions are exceptional, and cannot be relied on universally in 
every town and district of the country. What is wanted, therefore, 
on any local authority for secondary education is the presence of 
several educational experts — either men or women directly engaged 
in teaching, or who have, perhaps, retired from the teaching pro- 
fession itself, but have yet had sufficient experience to be aware of 
its needs and difficulties. Unfortunately, there has always in this 
country existed a certain distrust and even contempt of the school- 
master. It may be because English people have not yet, like many 
foreigners, learned to value education and those engaged in it at 
their proper worth ; or it may be because the schoolmaster has not 
proved himself (what he does not profess to be, but often is) that 
universally capable genius, "a man of business." As a matter of 
fact, most head masters, if they have any success at all, are essen- 
tially men of business, and owe much of their success tcthis fact ; 
but it is true they rarely have had any opportunities of showing 
such qualities in public because no public department or authority 
has yet existed where their powers in this direction (when they 
exist) can have proper scope. It w T ould, however, certainly be 
disastrous to the cause of secondary education if the voice of the 



153 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



teachers was not allowed to be heard, and to be heard effectually 
it must come through a properly constituted medium. It is for 
this reason that we would urge the importance of proper and 
adequate representation of the teaching profession among the 
members of any local authority. 

THE FUNCTIONS OF THE LOCAL AUTHORITY. 

But having thus seen the necessity for the organisation of 
education by means both of central and local institutions, and 
having dealt with the functions of the central body, we may now 
ask, What are the functions of the local authority ? The answer 
to this has already been foreshadowed by the last Eoyal Commission. 
The Eeport (Vol. I., 272) classes them under the following four 
heads : — 

(1) The securing a due provision of secondary instruction. 

(2) The remodelling (where necessary) and supervision of the 

working of local endowed schools and other educational 
endowments. 

(3) A watchful survey of the field of secondary education, with 

the object of bringing proprietary and private schools into 
the general educational system. 

(4) The administration of money destined for educational 

purposes, and derived either from the National Exchequer 
or from local rates. 

A consideration of these duties will show us at once one or two 
urgent needs of secondary education. "The securing a due pro- 
vision of secondary education" covers a wide field. In the first 
place it is not quite so easy as it seems to answer the question 
"What is secondary education? " 

DEFINITION OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 

Everybody has a vague idea of its general scope, but it was 
curious to notice that the definitions given, for example, by 
witnesses before the last Eoyal Commission were all "of a rough 
and ready kind." The most common definition is the education 
that lies between the elementary school on the one hand and the 
University on the other. This is satisfactory enough as far as it 
goes, but, unfortunately, it is only a small percentage of secondary 
schools which send any of their pupils to the Universities, while 
there are certain schools nominally elementary which give an 
education which is in many respects secondary. Still, as a 
general working definition this may be accepted, especially if it 
is placed side by side with the definition given by the Com- 
missioners themselves (Eeport, Vol. I., p. 135). "It is," they say, 



154 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



"the education of a boy or girl not simply as a human being who 
needs to be instructed in the mere rudiments of knowledge, but it 
is a process of intellectual training and personal discipline con- 
ducted with special regard to the profession or trade to be followed." 
It admits more general culture than elementary teaching can give, 
and yet includes such a supply of special training as fits a child 
for its future walk in life. It must be, in fact, both general and 
special, broad and technical. 

VARIETY OF CURRICULUM NEEDED. 

Such being the case, there is obviously room for several types 
of secondary schools, for the field of education is wide, and the 
various walks in life chosen by scholars are many. It is impossible 
to fit every boy into the old classical curriculum, excellent as that 
curriculum is for its general mental training. It is certainly 
undesirable to give to the young a narrow technical training that 
only fits them for one trade or profession, and for no other; and, 
therefore, it is equally undesirable that our idea of education should 
be too firmly founded either on the old grammar school, whose 
highest achievement is a scholarship won at Oxford or Cambridge, 
or on the new technical school that merely teaches the skilful use 
of certain mechanical appliances. We have to fit our boys and girls 
not for a University or for a trade, but for a life, and we ought to 
educate them to be not merely students either of old languages or 
new sciences, but to be citizens of a great and complex modern 
State. What we need, therefore, more perhaps than anything else 
is that our local authorities should take a broad and comprehensive 
view of their duties in providing secondary education, and should 
refuse to narrow it down to any one-sided curriculum, either for 
the sake of non-local achievements or for local advantages. 

IS THE PRESENT PROVISION ADEQUATE ? 

But if local authorities take this liberal view of their functions 
they will in many cases find that the existing provision for secondary 
education is inadequate. It was estimated by the Schools Inquiry 
Commission thirty years ago that just over twelve boys per 1,000 
of the population required secondary education ; and if we add in 
girls, who surely should not be excluded, it would not be too high 
an estimate to say that twenty-five children per 1,000 require it. 
Indeed, when we think of the strides made since 1870, not only in 
elementary education but in the general culture of the people, 
twenty-five per 1,000 must be considerably under the mark. With 
our present population, however, even this low estimate produces 
a total of 725,000 boys and girls now requiring secondary educa- 



155 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



tion. Yet, when in 1897 the Education Department instituted an 
inquiry throughout England as to the numbers of children being 
educated in all the secondary schools of which they could discover 
the existence, whether public or private, they only received a total 
return of some 290,000 pupils, although they declared themselves 
gratified with the readiness of all those connected with such schools 
to furnish the information required. It is obvious that there must 
be a considerable leakage somewhere, even allowing for a large 
number of omissions and returns not made, and for pupils in 
schools too obscure to have come under the notice of this inquiry. 
By the time that the new central authority has got to work and 
been able to collect more detailed information it will, without 
doubt, be found that one of the chief needs of secondary education 
is more schools. 

This need is, indeed, very clearly shown in a great city like 
Leeds, where, although there is an old grammar school of no 
mean repute, there is also a Central Board School taking scholars 
after passing Standard VII., and keeping them till the age of 
seventeen, which possesses over 2,000 pupils. It is evident that 
there are here not only plenty of children of a class requiring 
secondary education, but also plenty of parents desirous of their 
receiving it. The fees of the grammar school are, for such, too 
high, and the curriculum, possibly, not sufficiently elastic ; yet it 
is only in comparatively recent years that the large mass of children 
not attending the grammar school have, had this opportunity of 
getting a secondary education, such as it is, of the type which 
they evidently desire. 

THE QUESTION OF FEES. 

But it may be asked, Why could not the fees of the older schools 
be lowered or the curriculum altered so as to meet the wants of 
the district ? This brings us to a difficult question. As regards the 
alteration of curriculum there is no real difficulty; it depends upon 
the views of the head master and governors mainly, though other 
considerations, such as the alteration of the teaching staff, will 
have their place. The question of fees, however, is of great 
importance. It has two sides, the financial and the social. Finan- 
cially it has been found impossible to give a really good secondary 
education under £10 or £12 per head of pupils, and the estimates 
made from various schools by the last Koyal Commission (Report, 
Vol. I., p. 187) are nearer the higher figure and in some cases 
above it. It is noticeable that several well-known day schools 
with small endowments charge fees averaging about £12, as at 
Manchester and Bradford, while schools like those of Bedford and 
Birmingham, which have large endowments, are able to charge 



156 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



very low fees, such as £3 per annum. Bedford and Birmingham 
are exceptional in this matter of endowment, and it is quite clear 
that there are a large number of persons desiring a secondary 
education for their children who cannot afford the £10, £12, or £15 
necessarily demanded by those schools which have no large endow- 
ments to support them. The financial difficulty to be faced, there- 
fore, is the question : where is the money to come from necessary to 
give to a large number of children an education costing from £10 
to £12 per head ? It must be in some way provided by the com- 
munity either by imperial or local taxation ; and if we are to have 
an efficient system of secondary education people will have to put 
their hands in their pockets even more than they have done for 
elementary schools. A ray of hope is visible, however, from the civic 
generosity manifested by the citizens of some of our large towns, 
and when we see the thousands of pounds readily given to endow 
a new University like that of Victoria, in Liverpool, Leeds, and 
Manchester, or like the proposed Midland University at Birming- 
ham, we need not despair of seeing equally large sums given to 
found good secondary schools when once the need for them is 
made apparent. 

SOCIAL DIFFICULTIES. 

At present the social difficulty is undoubtedly prominent. The 
class of parents who pay their £10 to £15 a year to send their 
children to the local grammar school, or high school, do not like, 
and often say they do not like, them to mix with scholars who come 
from the elementary schools and get their education for nothing 
owing to their having scholarships. Still less would they like the 
fees of the high school or grammar school lowered so as to admit 
a larger number of children of poor parents. This is perhaps more 
conspicuously the case w T ith girls than with boys. But the educa- 
tion of the nation cannot be allowed to lag behind because of mere 
social distinctions, and if some parents find that the influences of 
home are not strong enough to counteract the influence of associa- 
tion with children of what they consider an inferior class, they will 
perhaps prefer to pay a higher fee for a more select school. If 
there are a sufficient number of parents to pay for such select 
schools there can be no harm in letting them do so, but probably 
it will be found in most towns that there is enough of the healthy 
democratic spirit to allow children of different classes to mix freely 
in a school common to the whole town without an undue exhibi- 
tion of snobbery ; and as time goes on, and education becomes more 
widely extended, this will undoubtedly be the case. It will per- 
haps be necessary to provide two or three grades of secondary 
schools in some districts, varying both in fees and in curriculum, 



157 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDAKY EDUCATION. 



for after all secondary education is a wide term, and covers the 
education of different classes. Some need an education that will 
terminate at sixteen, others one that lasts till eighteen or nineteen 
years of age ; these two classes, therefore, obviously require different 
classes of schools, or different arrangements in one school, and it 
will be the business of the local authority of the future to discover 
and provide for the varied requirements of each district. 

OVERLAPPING. 

Another most important duty, of which we are naturally reminded 
in speaking about different kinds of schools, is that of preventing 
what is known as overlapping. In some districts we find an old 
endowed school (perhaps insufficiently endowed) side by side with 
a new Technical School, itself not too lavishly provided for, Higher 
Grade Board Schools drawing money from the Science and Art 
Department and the rates, and a local University College also in 
want of funds to keep up a broad curriculum, of which possibly a 
large part is not needed by the majority of the students. The College 
takes boys and girls at sixteen or seventeen years of age, the High 
School keeps them till seventeen or eighteen or even nineteen, 
the Technical School takes scholars from both, and the Board 
School professes to train children as well as any of its rivals. 
Probably not one institution of the whole number is properly 
equipped for its work, and most are in need of further funds. It is 
obvious that it would be far better to join all these together in a 
harmonious system, and let one dovetail into another, as far as 
possible, rather than to let them continue to compete for scholars 
in an undignified manner. No doubt this harmonising and sys- 
tematising might involve the suppression of one or other of the 
number, but it is better to have three or four really efficient 
educational institutions rather than half a dozen less satisfactory. 
At the present time in nearly every large town there are constant 
complaints of the encroachment of one educational institution upon 
another; it is certain that the University Colleges do much work 
that would be better done at a school, while the top forms of some 
schools do work that is quite up to the level of a University. 
Technical Colleges, again, often make expensive arrangements for 
doing work which could easily have been made to form a portion 
of the curriculum of some existing school, while sometimes schools 
attempt with insufficient appliances to do technical work which 
could be better done elsewhere. It must be confessed, however, 
that so far the danger has been that existing institutions have 
been overlooked, and that money has been lavishly spent to found 
and endow new schools, while older ones, doing excellent work but 
hampered by need of more funds to meet the growing requirements 



158 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



of the times, are being starved. One of our greatest needs is for 
a sound local authority, supervised by a central authority free from 
local prejudice, which shall properly survey the local field or area 
and see that there is neither overlapping nor too scanty provision. 

REGISTRATION OF EXISTING SCHOOLS. 

Now, one of the easiest and most simple ways of thus surveying 
the local field is for the local authority to make a list of existing 
schools. It will thus be able to see whether there are too few or 
too many, and whether it will be better to increase the number or 
to amalgamate two competing institutions into one that is thoroughly 
efficient. The formation of this list or register will also be not 
only a guide to future action but an important act of registration, 
and will pave the way for more stringent measures in the future, 
under which every school, public or private, must be found on an 
official register. The importance of the registration of all existing 
schools cannot be too greatly insisted on, for it is a measure that 
concerns most vitally the welfare of the nation. The training of 
our young citizens is so important a duty that it ought not to be 
left, as it now is, to the casual chances of unregulated enterprise. 
It should be placed at least on the same basis as the formation of 
a trading company, and being a matter of public importance should 
be subject to public scrutiny. In the case of endowed schools the 
register practically exists in the books of the Charity Commission, 
but all other schools, including both the largest proprietary insti- 
tution and the smallest private venture, are left without any official 
record. The compilation of a local and also of a general register 
of schools will have a most beneficial effect in giving a certain air 
of official sanction to their existence to begin with, and later in 
setting a standard to which all must conform in certain essential 
details. At first, of course, no doubt all schools, good and bad, 
will have to be placed on this register, but as time goes on it will 
be possible to insist upon a certain minimum of requirement before 
registering, and thus a definite standard will be fixed. The mini- 
mum requirements will include at least two points — the buildings 
and the teachers. It is hardly yet realised by the majority of 
parents that much of a child's mental and physical progress 
depends upon the suitability or otherwise of the building in which 
it is taught. An ill-lighted, stuffy classroom will inevitably produce 
lassitude of body and weariness of mind, and will deaden the proper 
effect of any teaching however vigorous, though under the circum- 
stances it will be difficult also for the teacher to be vigorous and 
fresh. The sanitary position of the school should also be con- 
sidered, the arrangement of the buildings, and whether they are 
really suitable for such special subjects as science and physical 



159 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



exercises — all these points are essential for real efficiency. The 
inspection and approval of the buildings in which a school is held 
— whether public or private — will, therefore, be the first point to be 
dealt with before it is registered as a fit and proper place wherein 
to teach children. 

PRIVATE SCHOOLS AND REGISTRATION. 

No doubt some private schools will find it hard to meet all 
these requirements, but it is at least as important that our children 
should be placed in proper buildings for teaching as it is that they 
should be placed in proper buildings for amusement. A theatre 
must conform to certain municipal requirements, and it is hard to 
see why a school should not do the same. Xo doubt allowance 
must be made for existing buildings, and time should be given for 
alterations to be made, but. before long, scholars in secondary 
schools should at least be housed in buildings as carefully inspected 
and recognised as suitable as those in which we teach the scholars 
of elementary schools. The requirements of the Education Depart- 
ment as regards the buildings are enforced in the one case, and 
they should equally be enforced in the other. 

As the new central authority previously referred to will have 
powers of inspection and examination, it will be necessary to see 
that every school on the register conforms to the minimum require- 
ments which will be laid down as to teaching and general 
efficiency, and after due lapse of time those schools which are 
declared inefficient will have to be struck off the register. In fact, 
the same procedure will take place as is now applied to schools 
under the Education Department and the Science and Art Depart- 
ment. If a public list of schools is published in every locality, it 
is easy to see how great an influence the inclusion or exclusion of 
a school will exercise. Here again the question of private schools 
comes up, but there is no reason why they should not be included 
on the same list as public schools, provided they satisfy the neces- 
sary conditions. Indeed, for the better class of private schools the 
formation of such a list would be most advantageous, for they 
would practically gain the rank and status of public schools, and 
yet retain all the benefits of private management. On the other 
hand, the inferior private schools would be gradually extinguished, 
and though this might be a hardship in some individual cases, it 
could only result in the end to the general benefit of the commu- 
nity. But it may be asked, How could the central authority enforce 
its decisions, and make exclusion from the general register a 
serious matter for the excluded? We may look for an answer to 
the procedure of the learned professions. When a doctor or 
solicitor is struck off the register of the great medical or legal cor- 



160 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



porations he cannot legally recover fees from a patient or client, 
and can only exist, if he continues the exercise of his profession, on 
sufferance. In time we may also hope that a school which has been 
struck off the scholastic register may be regarded in the same light, 
and will not be permitted to recover fees for tuition in a court of 
law. No doubt inefficient schools will here and there continue to 
exist, and of those efficient the efficiency will vary greatly ; but an 
important reform will have been accomplished, and a great dis- 
tinction conferred upon the scholastic profession when schools and 
teachers alike are placed upon a public register. 

REGISTRATION OF TEACHERS. 

For it concerns the teacher personally quite as much as the 
school, or education generally. At the present moment the teachers 
in secondary schools, public and private, are a dim, vague, un- 
organised body, with none of the claims to respect enjoyed by the 
members of the learned professions. In fact, schoolmastering is 
not a profession ; it is merely an occupation, and, in many cases, 
a trade. This is not as it should be, but it is inevitable when 
we consider that it is a calling open to everybody, with or without 
qualification. No one can become a physician or a lawyer without 
passing certain recognised examinations, and being registered by a 
certain recognised body, such as the College of Surgeons or the 
Incorporated Law Society. But it is open to anybody who feels 
inclined to do so to begin teaching boys and girls. In times past 
it was avowedly the refuge of the destitute, and often of the 
incompetent, and if things have changed in recent years for the 
better it is owing more to the growth of public opinion and to 
multiplied facilities for education generally than to any other 
cause. It is sometimes imagined that most secondary teachers 
have, at least, the qualification of a degree at some University, but 
it is an appalling fact that nearly half of them have not ; only 55 
per cent in boys' schools and 11 per cent in girls' schools are 
graduates. The elementary teacher must have his certificate 
of competency before the Education Department allow T s him to 
teach; it is his degree, and often more valuable than the letters 
conferred by the mere passing of examinations. But the secondary 
teacher needs no such qualification, and, what is more, generally 
has not got one. The number of teachers with a degree in 
secondary boys' schools is only 55 per cent. Of course, all the 
better known schools — the better class of public endowed schools — 
have a staff consisting mostly of graduates of Oxford, Cambridge, 
or London. But these are not the only secondary schools in the 
country ; indeed, they probably do not contain more than half the 
scholars. The remaining schools are evidently taught by persons 



161 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



who may chance to be fitted for their work, but who can show no 
actual qualification for it. Imagine such a state of things in the 
legal, clerical, or medical professions; imagine the nation given 
over to untrained doctors, untrained lawyers, untrained clergy ; and 
what a degraded and backward condition it would be in. But we 
cheerfully hand over our children to untrained schoolmasters, and 
then are surprised that our national education is no better than it 
is. The wonder is that the results are so good. One of the most 
pressing needs, therefore, is, evidently, a register of teachers, to 
which no person shall be admitted who cannot show some form of 
qualification. A University degree, especially if from the older 
Universities, is some evidence of culture and ability, but even that 
should be, as in Germany, supplemented by some diploma showing 
knowledge of the history and theory of teaching and study of child 
life and thought. Xo person should be allowed to teach children 
whose name is not on the register, and none should be on the 
register but those whose experience or University attainments show 
that they are fit to teach. In time, no doubt, some diploma of special 
pedagogic knowledge will be required from all, and the Universities 
are already taking steps to provide tuition for such a diploma, but 
for the immediate present what is wanted is the compilation of a 
register of persons authorised to teach. It must, at first, include 
many who can show no qualification but length of experience, but 
in time a proper standard can be fixed and kept to. Then, and not 
till then, will teaching become a real profession, and the school- 
master take his proper place by the side of the lawyer or the 
cleric, not only to his greater personal dignity, but to the greater 



educational advantage of the nation. 

EDUCATION OF GIRLS. 

\Ye have thus seen some of the most urgent needs of secondary 
education — organisation, a central and local authority, more 
schools and cheaper, better teachers, and proper registration. 
There remain several others, of which, however, we only have 
space to mention two, and, finally, the greatest need of all, and 
that is the need of making the nation feel that education is of vital 
importance. The two needs which require special mention seem 
to the writer (1) the education of girls, and (2) commercial 
education. 

There has been a very great improvement in girls' schools 
during the last twenty or thirty years, and the Commissioners who 
reported in 1895 bear witness to this (Report, Vol. I., p. 15). 
They say: — 

The improvement which we have noticed is, perhaps, most marked in girls' 
schools, proprietary and private, as well as endowed. School-keeping is less 

12 



162 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



frequently than it used to be the mere resort of ladies possessing no other means 
of support. The development of women's colleges, the opening (as yet only 
partial) of Oxford and Cambridge to women, and the admission of women to 
classes at the new University Colleges has provided a far larger supply of com- 
petent women teachers. No change of recent years has been more conspicuous 
than this, nor any more beneficial, and in considering the causes which have 
produced this effect the opening of University degrees to women, in which the 
University of London was the pioneer, must not be ignored. 

Yet, although there has been certainly great improvement, 
there is room for further improvement still. The vast mass 
of girls' schools are in the hands of private teachers, and of public 
schools most are proprietary, and carried on as a commercial 
undertaking by public companies. There are still very few 
public secondary schools for girls, and hardly any endowments for 
them. Considering the important influence of the feminine 
element in the nation, and the inevitable reaction which a low 
standard of female education must have upon the intellectual 
surroundings of both men and women, it is very necessary that 
proper public provision should be made for female education, and 
that it should not be left to the haphazard chances of private 
enterprise. The need of better education for girls is felt very 
acutely in small towns and rural districts where there are not 
enough girls to form a good secondary school, and where, there- 
fore, there is no inducement for a public company to start one. 
But, recently, the suggestion has been made, and in Wales it is 
being carried out, that a girls' department should be added to the 
boys' department of endowed schools, and that boys and girls 
should, if necessary, be taught together in the same classes. This 
is, of course, frequently the case in Higher Grade Board Schools, 
and in these, as well as in the few dual secondary schools that 
have been already established, the system seems to work well. 
In the United States, and in Scotland, this co-education has long 
been the rule, and there seems no valid reason why, if it is success- 
ful in those countries, it should not ultimately be successful in our 
own. 

CO-EDUCATION OF BOYS AND GIRLS. 

In England, the principal mixed schools are public elementary 
schools, higher grade schools which have developed out of these, 
and some pupil teachers' schools. The others are mostly private 
schools, chiefly in Lancashire. Those who have experience of 
them seem almost always to have found the advantages consider- 
able and the drawbacks comparatively unimportant, while the 
objections to them seem to be mainly theoretical, and not felt by 
those who have had practical acquaintance with such schools. 
(Eeport, Vol. I., p. 160.) There is an undoubted benefit in allowing 
girls to have the same advantage of masculine teaching as their 



163 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



brothers, whereas it is not always to the advantage of girls that 
they should be brought under exclusively feminine influence 
during their school lives. The financial gain in having one good 
school of boys and girls under one head master, with a female 
assistant, instead of two poor and struggling separate schools, one 
for boys and one for girls, is obvious in such small towns and 
rural districts as have been already alluded to. It is probable that 
many small country grammar schools, now struggling on with an 
insufficient number of boys, would find their financial position 
improved by including the girls of the district among their scholars, 
while the girls would certainly receive a better education than is 
now open to them. In larger towns there is, of course, room for 
separate girls' schools, and more of these ought to exist upon a 
public basis; but, whether in town or country, it ought to be 
admitted that it is not by any means absolutely necessary that 
girls should be taught exclusively by women, but that they should 
share as many as possible of the educational advantages open to 
their brothers. A system of national education which neglects 
to provide adequately for the education of girls as well as boys 
will never be truly national, and will never produce the best results 
of which the youth of the nation is capable. 

COMMERCIAL EDUCATION. 

We turn now, however, to another very important branch of 
education which has been strangely neglected in this country, and 
that is commercial education. For some reason or other men of 
business have never believed it necessary that they should receive 
any special training for what is undoubtedly a difficult and often 
complicated vocation, though, of course, they admit that a pro- 
fessional man requires such training. Now, at last, the great 
increase of foreign competition, felt by almost everyone engaged 
in any branch of manufacture or commerce, has aroused a wide- 
spread and, it may be added, a wholesome feeling of alarm in the 
community. It is becoming more and more clear that among the 
principal causes which are threatening England with a grave 
diminution of her national commerce and her international trade 
must be placed the better education enjoyed by her competitors. 
This does not necessarily mean merely better commercial education, 
but better general education, which invariably has its effect sooner 
or later upon the mental development of a people. Year after 
year the reports of British Consuls speak of the injury done to 
British trade by the want of linguistic training, of local knowledge, 
of insight and adaptability shown by our merchants and manu- 
facturers or their representatives. Now, insight and adaptability 
are not the results of mere technical training, but of a broad 



164 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



general education; they are evidences of mental development and 
not of special knowledge. What our men of business in England 
want is the same sound general education as is possessed by their 
foreign rivals, the Germans, Dutch, Belgians, or Swiss. It is not 
merely that business men of these nations are better skilled in 
foreign languages, in foreign currency, in commercial geography, 
and similar subjects, though, of course, they have a better know- 
ledge of these than Englishmen have ; but many foreigners possess 
a far higher standard of general culture, and this cannot fail to 
have its due influence. If education is of any value at all, and 
most people admit that it is, it must be as valuable to the man of 
business as to anyone else. This has been well put in the 
Memorandum on Commercial Education issued by the Sub- 
Committee of the London County Council in April, 1899 : — 

There is the need, perhaps supremely important under present economic 
conditions, of developing in all grades of commercial men the invaluable 
quality which we may describe as inventiveness, resourcefulness, readiness to 
note a change of conditions, and fertility in conceiving new expedients to meet 
the new circumstances. One of the common causes of commercial stagnation 
and decay appears to be the dulness of imagination which stands in the way of 
a timely appreciation of changing conditions, and the inertness of mind which 
prevents the adoption of the new expedients called for by the change. This 
lack of imagination and inertness of mind, a characteristic result of absorption 
in routine, is often partly caused or increased by a want of general cultivation, 
an ignorance of possible alternatives, and too close an adhesion to one limited 
field of observation and work. To supply this want is especially the object of 
commercial education of the University grade. 

COMMERCIAL EDUCATION OF DIFFERENT KINDS. 

We see from this that general education must have its place in 
the training of the man of business as well as the professional man, 
and there is no reason why the " Captains of industry " should not 
be as highly trained as the leaders in any other vocation. We 
will return to this point in a moment. But, whatever may be said 
about general education for commercial life, there can be no 
doubt that some special or technical education is also needed. 
" Business " is a wide term, and embraces many callings, but there 
are certain main features which are common to all. With all the 
varieties and complexities of commercial callings, there are three 
main classes into which those engaged in commerce may be 
divided : (1) There is the great army of the rank and file, as they 
may be called — junior clerks, shorthand writers, copyists, typists, 
accountants, bookkeepers, and so on. These are engaged in 
employments which are certainly largely mechanical, but which 
require certain valuable qualities, such as honesty and patience, 
and certain mechanical training on well defined lines. The special 
education which the members of this large class require is not 



165 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



advanced in character, and could easily be given in the higher 
forms of secondary schools, or in evening continuation classes ; 
(2) there is then a second class of employes holding more 
responsible positions, such as senior clerks, foreign correspondents, 
agents, travellers, and managers of departments. This class 
varies, of course, in every branch of trade — in banking, insurance, 
shipping, railways, merchants' houses, and so forth — but they form 
a class on whose shoulders rests a great and important portion of 
the commerce of the country, and on this class the nation has to 
rely for maintaining its trade against foreign competition. These 
certainly require as high an education as their foreign rivals, i.e., 
a good general secondary education first, and a further training in 
commercial subjects. Then (3) comes the smaller but most 
important division of all — the leaders of trade and industry, the 
merchants, manufacturers, heads of houses, and millowners. 
These require an education quite as high, of its kind, as that of the 
great lawyer or the successful doctor. 

NO EXISTING PROVISION FOE COMMERCIAL EDUCATION. 

But what provision do we, as a nation, make for any of these 
three classes? As a nation, absolutely none; none, that is, as 
proceeding from the State, and as assisted by Government. The 
code for evening classes in elementary schools certainly allows 
bookkeeping and shorthand and similar subjects to be taught, 
and a certain amount of these subjects is being taught, but the 
number of scholars is not large, the total being (1898) only some 
350,000, and many of these are learning science and English 
subjects. There has been no organised attempt made to give 
definite and systematic instruction for commercial life. All that 
has been done so far by the State is to teach one class of subjects, 
to encourage those by every means in its power, and to neglect 
all others. Thus, for many years past, the Science and Art 
Department of South Kensington has been doing very excellent 
work in organising and encouraging the teaching of science and 
art, with a view to promoting technical education and to stopping 
the competition of foreign countries, in which, as is well known, 
scientific and technical education is fostered in every possible way. 
But England has, apparently, made up its mind that science and 
art are sufficient to meet all competition, and give all the 
necessary training to enable us to combat successfully our rivals. 
It is not perceived that the teaching of these subjects is only half 
the battle ; they only apply to half our modern commercial life, and 
there is another, and quite as important a half, which is, so far, 
entirely neglected. The work of the Science and Art Department 
only touches the career of the artisan and manufacturer, the dyer, 



166 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



the designer, the chemist, and engineer. It does nothing for the 
merchant or the merchants' clerk. Yet the latter are quite as 
important as the former, and their functions in the commerce of 
the country are quite as necessary. It seems to be forgotten that 
commerce has two sides, the productive and the distributive, and, 
in order that the trade of a country should nourish, the business of 
distribution should be attended to quite as carefully as that of 
production. It is of little use to manufacture goods if we cannot 
compete successfully with other nations in distributing. We lose 
half our trade if the distribution of our manufactured products falls 
into the hands of foreigners. What is needed, therefore, is an 
education which shall do for one branch of our trade, the distri- 
butive, what is already done for the other, and shall help the 
merchant and the clerk as we already help the manufacturer and 
the artisan. An education which provides only for one half of the 
industrial community and not for the other is one-sided. 

HOW COMMERCIAL EDUCATION IS DISCOURAGED. 

Yet, so far, we not only do nothing for commercial as dis- 
tinguished from technical education, but we positively discourage 
it, and in this way : It is notorious (it has already been alluded to) 
that many secondary schools suffer from lack of funds. They 
have, therefore, to supplement their deficient revenue by working at 
subjects upon which they can receive money grants for their pupils' 
successes. But what are the subjects which bring in the money? 
Only science and art subjects, and no others. If schools teach 
chemistry and drawing, they can get very large sums of money in 
this way from the State; but if they teach subjects which are 
commercially useful, such as the French, German, and Spanish 
languages, or bookkeeping, foreign currencies, shorthand, or 
commercial geography, they get nothing at all. Obviously, there- 
fore, it is not the interest of the schools to encourage commercial 
education ; they get no money from it. Yet it is the interest of 
the mercantile community that foreign languages and commercial 
geography should be well known to its members, and there is no 
valid reason why these subjects should not receive State grants 
just as much as freehand drawing and chemistry. Here, then, we 
have a very practical point at issue. Let commercial training 
rank as of the same importance as scientific or manual training, 
and let it be encouraged by money from the State, and we shall 
then be able to raise up a generation of mercantile men as well 
trained as those who carry on the callings for which we give them 
so-called technical education. In the modern world commerce is 
every whit as technical as manufacturing occupations, and requires 



167 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



nowadays a very skilled and carefully trained mind. Let our 
secondary schools be encouraged, as they are in Germany, to teach 
those subjects which are useful to a man of business, and we shall 
see in a generation or so a very marked improvement in our foreign 
commerce. 

HAS EDUCATION ANY VALUE ? 

And not only commercial subjects, but the whole of our 
national secondary education needs development and encourage- 
ment. England lags far behind such countries as Germany, 
Holland, and Switzerland, and the reason is because her citizens 
do not jet believe in the value of education. They believe in it 
more than they once did, certainly — the organisation and growth 
of our elementary schools since 1870 is a proof of that — but the 
belief is as yet only half-hearted and partial. Yet if, as is now 
acknowledged, it is good to give a certain modicum of education, 
even to the lowest and poorest, surely it is equally good to educate 
properly the children of the middle classes. But this is hardly 
acknowledged by the ordinary man. If his son is going into 
business, as, of course, the vast majority of all young men do, the 
father, as likely as not, takes him away from school as early as he 
decently can, at fourteen or fifteen years of age, and says he does 
not believe that what he learns at school will be any use to him 
for a commercial life, but he must learn it in the office. Now, the 
mere routine of an office, or of any business, can be easily learnt 
in a year or two, and there is no necessity to take a lad away from 
school early to learn it. It is not what a boy learns at school that 
is useful to him directly in after life, but how he learns, and how 
his mind is trained while learning. The Latin language may not 
be directly useful in the counting-house, but the processes which 
the youthful mind has gone through while learning it, and the 
mental training it has afforded — the mental gymnastic, so to 
speak — are of the utmost value. And that is why the Germans are 
now beating us in commerce to-day; not because they know more 
foreign languages than we do, but because they bring to commerce 
the same trained minds as they bring to the law, to medicine, or to 
statesmanship. We talk about the " professions " and " business " 
as if they were something utterly and entirely different, whereas 
they differ only in outward things, but require for success almost 
exactly the same internal qualities. Business or commerce, 
nowadays, is a profession, and before very long only those who 
have the same training in their own line as professional men have 
in theirs will become successful in it. But until Englishmen believe 
more in the value of education in and for itself it is impossible 
for many of them to succeed in the modern world so well in 



168 



THE NEEDS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. 



the future as they have done in the past. Times are changing, 
and we must change with them. Education is fast becoming, 
more than ever it has been before, a weapon both of offence 
and defence, and it is the individual or the nation which has the 
best weapon that must in the future win in the battle of life. 
When we as a nation have realised this we shall bestir ourselves 
in a less leisurely fashion than at present to improve our system 
of secondary education; we shall place schoolmastering on the 
same level as other professions by insisting that a schoolmaster 
shall be as properly trained for his work as a barrister or a doctor ; 
we shall sacrifice something to keep our children at school for a 
longer period than at present in order to develop their mental 
faculties and make them ready and alert in the struggle of modern 
conditions; we shall take care that the leaders of industry have 
the same high training as the leaders of other professions; we 
shall organise our education instead of allowing it to struggle in 
poverty and chaos ; in other words, we shall believe in education, 
and act on our belief. 




169 



Companp Frauds ana Parliamcntarp 

hiactioitp. 



BY J. G. SWIFT MACXEILL, Q.C., M.P. 




"^vlHE Parliamentary Session of 1899 has closed without 

hi i* 

the enactment of any legislative remedy for the 
better protection of the public against the thieves 
disguised as the promoters of fraudulent companies. 
The effect of recent revelations in which a company 
promoter openly boasted that the front page of his 
prospectus had cost fifty or sixty thousands of pounds sterling, 
taken from the shareholders, and spent in secret commissions to 
deceive them, has been admirably summarised by Mr. Stutfield in 
an article entitled "The Company Scandal: A City View," which 
appeared in The National Review for December, 1898. Mr. 
Stutfield writes : — 

An immense pother has been niade about the Hooley business, yet it tells 
us very little that we did not know before. That the corrupting influence of 
the company-monger is not confined to trade circles has long been patent to 
every thinking person. Every City man knew long ago that there were peers 
who sold their names to promoters for the adornment of that front sheet 
which, as Mr. Hooley reminds us, is the most vital part of a prospectus. He 
is, therefore, not particularly impressed when he reads that on the boards of 
the Hooley companies, through which the public is said to have lost £11,000,000, 
there were one duke, six earls, half a dozen lords, beside baronets, knights, 
admirals, generals, &c, galore, whose directorial functions were mainly 
decorative. He knows, too, that the recent scandals are quite trifling com- 
pared, for instance, with the iniquities of the Trustee and Executor group of 
trust companies which were so carefully hushed up five or six years ago owing 
to the number of eminent persons involved; and he cannot but smile at 
the spectacle of a public which so complacently swallowed the Winchester 
House camel straining thus vigorously at the Hooley gnat. The real value of 
the "shocking revelations," which have been such a godsend to the evening 
newspapers, lies in the wide publicity they have obtained. They have 
brought home to the mind of the average citizen the depth and breadth of 
modern financial corruption, and if Mr. Hooley, by his evidence, succeeds in 
shaming the public into taking effective action in the matter he will, whatever 
his own sins may have been, have done a great deal of good. 

The general public have, however, only a hazy view of the 
height, length, depth, and breadth of the frauds practised in the 
abuse of the law relating to the formation of companies with 



170 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

limited liabilities. Her Majesty's judges, observing the important 
principle on which Lord Brougham laid great but not excessive 
stress of keeping the legislative and judicial functions quite 
separate, rarely, even when they happen to have seats in the 
House of Lords, intervene in the discussion of matters of acute 
public controversy. The Lord Chief Justice of England, who, 
both at the Bar and on the Bench, has had ample opportunity of 
observing the operations of fraudulent company promoters, must 
have been moved by an overwhelming sense of public duty when, 
departing from the ordinary and praiseworthy practice of absti- 
nence from comments on public matters observed by members of 
the justiciary, he, on the 9th November, 1898, on the reception 
at the Law Courts of the Lord Mayor of London, speaking from 
the Bench with all the authority of his high office and great and 
honourable career, drew public attention to the company fraud as 

A class of fraud which is rampant in this community — fraud of a most 
dangerous kind, widespread in its operation — touching all classes, involving 
great pecuniary loss to the community — a loss largely borne by those the least 
able to bear it — and even more important, much more important, this fraud 
which is working insidiously to undermine and corrupt that high sense of 
public morality which it ought to be the common object of all interested in the 
good of the community to maintain — fraud blunting the sharp edge of honour 
and besmirching honourable names. 

I make no apology for quoting at considerable length passages 
from this speech of the Lord Chief Justice, having regard to the 
circumstance that it embodies an admirable exposition of the 
abominable system of company fraud now rampant. The speech, 
moreover, although widely noticed in the press at the time and 
fully reported in the daily papers, has not, so far as I am aware, 
appeared in any permanent form. It must, notwithstanding, be 
regarded as a powerful and irrefragable indictment of the system 
under which immunity is accorded to the perpetrators of base and 
cowardly swindles. The moral of the speech of the Lord Chief 
Justice was the necessity for immediate legislation. He said : — 

It is time that public opinion was aroused on this question. You, my Lord 
Mayor, can yourself do much in this direction, and those who are associated 
with you in the great Corporation of which you are the head can do much by 
example, by condemnation, by ostracisation of any persons who have acted a 
part in any such nefarious enterprises, if enterprises they can properly bo 
called. Above all, you can give to the Legislature the benefit of your ripe 
experience in commerce in advising how this state of things is to be remedied, 
if it can be remedied. 

It is, I think, highly significant that these words were 
uttered the day before the first autumn meeting of the Cabinet for 
the commencement of the consideration of the Bills to be proposed 
by them in the session of 1899. Every Cabinet Minister attended 
that meeting of his colleagues literally with a copy of Lord Eussell's 






171 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

speech in his hands. That the session of 1899 should have closed 
without any legislation for the checking of company fraud is in 
itself a justification of the title of this article. 

Lord Eussell thus referred to the great pecuniary losses which 
had followed from the " nefarious practices " associated with the 
promotion of bogus companies : — 

The Official Receiver charged with the winding-up of public companies, 
who has rendered, and is rendering, the most valuable public service, has, at 
my request, furnished to me some figures on this head. They are startling. 
He gives me the figures for a period of seven years, from 1891 and up to and 
including 1897, and upon the official information at his command, and taking 
the advice of those in a position to check the estimate — for in part it must 
necessarily be an estimate — he comes to the conclusion that in that period of 
seven years there has been lost to the community and gone into unworthy 
pockets no less than £28,159,482, made up of losses of creditors dealing with 
companies £7,696,848, and of loss to the wretched contributories or shareholders 
£20,462,634. And, my Lord Mayor, when you recollect that these are the 
figures relating only to companies wound up compulsorily, and that they 
exclude cases of reduced capital, the losses in relation to companies whose 
shares were taken by the public at par, but whose present value only represents 
a very few shillings or pence in the pound of their par value, you will see that 
the loss to the public is enormous. But, in addition, there is what I think a 
weightier consideration — the effect of such transactions, if allowed to go on, 
almost with impunity, upon the public mind and confidence. These are 
pressing considerations, which show that these matters should be dealt with 
as of urgent importance at the present moment. 

The description by the Chief Justice of the "curious aspects 
and disguises " which this fraud, like the mythological character 
Proteus, has assumed may be regarded as a locus classicus, and 
many of the statements of his lordship could be abundantly 
illustrated by the revelations of two subsequent cases — one tried 
in London last April with reference to offences committed in con- 
nection with the Western Australian Gold Syndicate Limited and 
the West Australian Gold District Trading Corporation Limited, 
and the other tried in Dublin in July last — Davoren v. Wootton 
and Others — which concerned the promotion of the Components 
Tube Company. 

One common cause of loss, and one common mode of perpetrating the 
fraud, even if a concern is solid and worthy, is over-capitalisation. A concern 
which is honestly worth £100,000, and which upon that capital value might 
well pay a decent return for investment, becomes an imposition if inflated to 
satisfy the greed of the middleman — the promoter — to cover extravagant adver- 
tising charges, extravagant fees for expert reports, gifts in money or in shares 
to procure directors, aye, and even to procure the introduction of directors. By 
these means it is offered to the public at an inflated price for two or three times 
its actual value; and need I say that in such a case loss and failure are certain, 
and the public are called upon to pay fees for the deception which has been 
practised upon them? Even if it could be said that the boards of directors 
brought actual knowledge of business or strength of government to the concern, 
it might at least mitigate the evil, but it is notorious that in too many cases 



172 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

they bring neither one nor the other ; neither knowledge nor strength ; that they 
are chosen because it is supposed that their names or their titles might be 
attractive to the public. That is one great cause of the frauds which are carried 
out. Another is that utterly worthless concerns are foisted upon the public. 
The same machinery is used, but it is a machinery which resorts to the 
grosser forms of misrepresentation and fraud. A few illustrations which have 
come before the Court occur to me. There was one case in which a property 
was sold, or, at least, was purported by the vendor to be sold — a property on the 
West Coast of Africa — for the sum of £48,000, when there was no property in 
existence at all. But an agent was sent out after this fictitious sale had been 
effected, whose report recorded the purchase of a property for the sum of £140 
from a native chief which the agent thought would nearly answer the description 
given of the fictitious property described in the prospectus. In another case a 
business having been bought a few weeks before the formation of a company for 
a sum of £637 was sold to the public, who subscribed for it something like 
£76,650. These are the grosser cases. Another mode of fraud which is prac- 
tised — I am speaking from my experience in courts of justice — is this: going 
to allotment on insufficient capital. The public did not subscribe as was 
hoped, and there was but a small amount of money from them. What, then, 
is to be done ? An honest, independent, disinterested board of directors who 
knew their business would say that it was impossible to go to allotment upon 
such a subscription, but they are not their own masters. They are, in the 
cases which I have been supposing, the creatures of the promoters who pay 
them, and they are not in a position to form an independent judgment. What 
is the result? The promoter gets hold of what money there is, and to carry 
on the company's miserable, weak existence the directors issue debentures, 
largely unregistered, and of which the creditors have no notice. They get an 
apparent amount of business carried on by the company, tradesmen and mer- 
chants deal with them, and, when the crash comes, down come the debenture 
holders and sweep away ever} r stick that belongs to the company, and the 
creditors are left without remedy. Another and a last illustration I will give. 
It is the case of what is known as the one man company, that is to say, where 
a man changes his business into a company and takes payment in debentures 
of that company. Again the public, tradesmen, and merchants deal with 
them, and when the crash conies the debenture-holder — the vendor, or the 
vendor's assignee — comes down, and again the creditor is left without redress. 
I have only one word more to say in this connection, but it is an important 
word. It is this, that when the constitution of companies under the Act is 
considered these things would be impossible — certainly impossible to anything 
like the same extent — if the boards of directors were honest, intelligent, inde- 
pendent men, with no interest to serve except the interest of the shareholders. 
The first duty of a board of directors is to determine whether they will approve 
of the contract on which it is intended to base the proceedings and action of 
the company. The next important question they have to decide is whether 
they will, or will not, go to allotment. If they are paid by the promoter, and 
have interests differing from those of the shareholders, how could it be said — 
indeed, how can it be expected — that they shall discharge honestly the trust 
that they owe to the public ? 

The Lord Chief Justice proposed as methods of remedying this 
great iniquity, " which should be dealt with as of urgent import- 
ance at the present moment," first, that the public should have all 
the information they require about a company before investing in 
it, and that every person holding a position of trust should be 
compelled to disclose any private interest which he holds. 



173 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIYITY 



The first object ought to be to ensure as far as practicable that the public 
should be afforded all such information as might affect the reasonable judgment 
of a man in determining whether he would or would not invest in a particular 
concern, and the nest object ought to be that all holding fiduciary or quasi- 
fiduciary positions should be bound to disclose fully and clearly any interest 
which they pos.-ess differing from the interests of the other shareholders: in 
other words, that the transactions should be open and above board, and all the 
parties dealing on equal terms. Although many such cases as I have suggested 
have taken place it is to be regretted that in but few instances has punishment 
followed upon the perpetration of crimes such as these, for crimes they certainly 
are; for while the law is strict to punish, and apt as is the machinery to punish 
persons who commit offences against the law of property, for reasons upon 
which I need not dwell it is often difficult to procure evidence to support a 
prosecution. 

The failure of the Government to place on the Statute Book 
any measure with the object of protecting the public against 
company-promoting sharks becomes more significant when recol- 
lection is drawn to the fact that so far back as January, 17, 1898, 
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a 
former leader of the House of Commons, and a prominent member 
of the Cabinet, in a speech at Swansea, described the frauds of 
bogus company promoters in language almost as graphic as that 
of the Lord Chief Justice, and told with an exquisite directness of 
expression and a candour rarely paralleled the stumbling-blocks 
in the way of remedial legislation. I quote from the Times : — 

When he was President of the Board of Trade he did his little best to 
secure that where there was roguery of this kind it should at least be brought 
to the light of day, so that by public examination in the courts the people 
should know what had been done to their detriment. He was seconded in 
his efforts by one of the ablest and most courageous of Her Majesty's judges, 
now a Lord Justice of Appeal, but their joint efforts had been almost 
rendered nugatory since by. he had no doubt, a perfectly correct interpretation 
of the law by the highest court of law. namely, the House of Lords. He was 
anxious that business men in this country should take up this matter and 
press the Houses of Parliament to set the law right. What happened now ? 
A man who was practically a bankrupt formed himself or some of his children 
into a limited liability company, issued debentures to a confiding public, with 
its money discharged his personal obligations, taking care to have a nice little 
plum in reserve in order to start somewhere else in a different line of business, 
and then left a public lamenting with assets that were wholly or nearly worth- 
less. Or a man started a company in the same way, but took up the debentures 
himself, got confiding tradesmen to trust him, and then proceeded to liquida- 
tion, putting in his debentures as a prior claim on all the assets, and leaving 
the confiding tradesmen lamenting, the courts, perhaps, holding that they had 
so little interest in the liquidation of such a company that they gave them no 
say in the matter whether the liquidation should be compulsory or by the 
voluntary process. The present state of the law in this matter deliberately 
encouraged fraud upon the public. They would say he was a member 
of the Government, and the Government ought to set the matter right. Well, 
almost the first measure the Government introduced was a Bill to deal with 
this matter. It had been considered for two years by a Select Committee of 
the House of Lords. He was afraid there were a few members even in that 



174 




gilded chamber who were not unfriendly to what was known as " guinea pigs." 
He did not deny that individuals of the same kind might be found in the 
House of Commons. 

These words were uttered, it should be borne in mind, several 
months before the Hooley revelations. The guarded reference of 
the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the "guinea pigs" of the gilded 
chamber was far from unjustifiable. There are no fewer than 586 
members of the House of Lords, including the spiritual Lords. 
They share among them no fewer than 435 directorships or chair- 
manships of commercial concerns. On the list of peer directors 
of companies there are two bishops, nine dukes, eight marquises, 
fifty-three earls, nine viscounts, and eighty-one barons — all mem- 
bers of the House of Lords. The Select Committee of the House 
of Lords on Company Promoting, to which Sir Michael Hicks- 
Beach alluded in no very complimentary terms, consisted of eleven 
peers, of whom seven were company directors who held no fewer 
than fifteen directorships amongst them. The Chancellor of the 
Exchequer was right in not denying that "guinea pigs" could be 
found in the House of Commons. He had himself sat in that 
House with Jabez Balfour. In the article entitled "The Company 
Scandal," to which I have alluded, Mr. Stutfield writes : — 

I trust our Cabinet Ministers and party leaders will lay the words of the 
Chief Justice to heart and abstain from sending any more disreputable com- 
pany-mongers down to contest constituencies. In politics I am a strong 
Unionist, but the preference shown by our party managers for candidates of 
this description really puts a severe strain upon the loyalty of its supporters. 
Let us hope, too, that the Government will undertake the reform of company 
laws, criminal as well as civil, in a thorough and comprehensive fashion. 

Mr. Eentoul, Q.C., the Unionist member for East Down, in an 
interview which was published in the Irish Tunes of February 
14th, 1899, said:— 

I am thoroughly in sympathy with Lord Russell in the necessity of drastic 
amendment in company laws. We are far behind France in this respect. And, 
to begin with, I would forbid members of Parliament to have anything to do 
with the promotion or direction of public companies. It is not good for the 
House of Commons that it should be "worm-eaten" as it is with company 
promoters and directors. 

" Worm-eaten with company promotors and directors ! " What 
a disparaging description of the House of Commons. But is that 
description, however disparaging, accurate ? The writer of a very 
able article in the Investors' Bevieiv for August, 1895, entitled 
"The Directorial Contingent in the New Parliament," endeavoured 
to set out "the present directorships" of members of the House of 
Commons as far as they could be traced "through recent pros- 
pectuses and Skinner's ' Directory of Directors.' " This writer says : 

The House of Commons embraces 670 members, and we find that 264 of 
them, or 39"4 per cent, are members of boards of directors. This is a smaller 
proportion than might have been expected, but still a sufficiently large one to 



175 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

be of great importance in determining the character and moral standpoint of 
Parliament as a whole. And its significance is enhanced by analysis. These 
264 individuals, for example, help to direct no less than 667 public companies, 
and that although 111 of them are members of one board only. It follows that 
"guinea pigging" must prevail to a considerable extent amongst the remaining 
153 men who divide the other 556 companies amongst them. And it does, 
although it is difficult, perhaps, to say just where fair and honest company 
directing ends and the profession of the "guinea pig" begins. To say that a 
man cannot help to manage more than three companies might be a fair measure 
of directorial capacity when each of the three companies pursued a different 
line of business, and was important in its line. But when one company 
supplements another or forms one of a group of companies in the same trade, 
or when, as often happens in connection with our larger railway companies, 
there are a number of small companies dependent on a larger one, it is con- 
ceivable enough that one man might legitimately occupy a place on half a dozen 
different boards and still not be worthy of the designation "guinea pig." In 
fact, the true "guinea pig" is a miscellaneous fellow who gads around the City 
and hops from this board meeting to that to pick up a living without regard 
to what the business may be he pretends to assist in guiding. . . . Proceeding 
with our analysis we find that 61 members of Parliament have seats on two 
boards, 40 on three, 15 on four, 17 on five, 8 on six, 4 on seven, and 3 on eight. 
Then follow five individuals whose directorial labours embrace no less than 69 
companies. One sits on nine boards, one on fourteen, one on sixteen, and one 
on twenty. This is magnificent. 

In his speech at Swansea on the eve of the opening of the 
Parliamentary session of 1898, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach invited 
the public to bring pressure upon the Government, of which he is 
a member, to secure the amendment of the company law. It 
might, perhaps, have been expected that some serious step would 
be taken in that direction. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach himself 
stated that the first measure the Government had introduced on 
their advent to office was a Bill to deal with company reform 
" which had been considered for two years by a Select Committee 
of the House of Lords." The session of 1898, notwithstanding the 
pronouncement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, closed, as the 
last session has closed, without any amendment of a system under 
which gigantic frauds are perpetrated literally every moment. 
During the closing weeks of the session of 1898 the attention of 
the public in this country was startled and held enthralled by the 
story of Mr. Hooley's transactions as a company promoter and his 
methods of securing "front sheeters" for his prospectuses. The 
Government saw the storm of public indignation which was 
gathering and likely to burst upon the heads of men who were 
bent on shielding the company promoter at the expense of his 
victims. Under these circumstances the Lord Chancellor himself, 
on the 11th day of August, 1898, towards the close of the session, 
and when the excitement created by the Hooley scandal was at 
the highest, in a speech from the woolsack made an apology for 
delay, and attempted to beguile the public mind by the comfortable, 



176 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 



but wholly unwarrantable, assurance that rotten companies are few 
in number and easy to detect. As I have put a construction on 
the Lord Chancellor's speech which reflects grave discredit on that 
personage, it is but right that I should quote his words, which I 
will ask the reader to contrast with the utterances of the Lord 
Chief Justice on Lord Mayor's Day, 1898, while he, at the same 
time, bears in mind the fact that Lord Halsbury, who takes so 
roseate a view of a system under which the honest earnings of the 
poor are filched by City swindlers, is himself the author of the 
judgment which stamped with the highest judicial approval that 
fruitful source of swindling, the "One Man Company," a judgment 
which made Sir Michael Hicks-Beach "anxious that business men 
should take up the matter and press the Houses of Parliament to 
set the law right." 

The reference to this deliverance of Lord Halsbury in the 
index to the "Parliamentary Debates" (authorised edition) is as 
follows: "Halsbury, Earl of, Lord Chancellor, Companies Bill, 
Eeport of Committee, Explanation." Lord Halsbury's explanation 
was given from the woolsack, as I have said, on the 11th August, 
1898. I select from the speech, which is marked with an asterisk, 
thus indicating that the proofs have been revised and corrected by 
the author, the following passages. Here is the Lord Chancellor's 
explanation of the delay in legislation for checking company fraud 
on which Sir Michael Hicks-Beach had so severely commented in 
the previous January. The Lord Chancellor said : — 

Mv Lords, — In relation to the report of the Committee on the Companies 
Bill, which has now been sitting, as your lordships are aware, for two sessions, 
I desire to explain that the evidence upon the subject, which is very voluminous 
and important, has been printed by order of the House, but there has been no 
time for the Committee to consider their report. Of course, the subject of the 
whole formation of joint-stock companies has been for a considerable period 
before the public eye, and I am not surprised that a great many people are 
desirous that the report of the Committee should be issued with the sanction 
of all the members of the Committee, but the evidence did not close till late in 
the session, and there has been no time since that period for members of the 
Committee to meet and consider what report they should make on the Bill 
which was originally submitted to them for consideration. I think it is well 
that people should understand the difficulties in the way of that Committee 
going through the matter more quickly than they have been able to do. . . . 
Certainly it is our hope if, as we desire, we should be reappointed, that 
we shall be able in some way to suggest some amendments to the law 
which I, for one, quite admit are required in the present state of things, where 
almost all the great commercial interests of the country are tending towards 
the establishment of joint-stock companies. It is not unnatural that a great 
number of persons are interested in this question, and would desire the 
assistance of your lordships in legislation on the subject. 

The Lord Chancellor then, in the following words, endeavoured 
to minimise the extent of fraud by company, and to lull the public 



177 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

into the false sense of security, notwithstanding the Hoolev 
exposures — a fool's paradise, from which they were aroused by the 
stirring warnings of the Lord Chief Justice in the subsequent 
November, and his startling statements of the tens of millions 
of pounds sterling which have made their way into " unworthy 
pockets." Lord Halsbury said : — 

The problem is not an easy one to solve, but speaking for myself — as we 
have not had time to consider the evidence I cannot speak for the whole 
Committee — I should certainly say that nothing more disastrous could happen 
to the commerce of the country than any attempt to placa shackles on the 
development of joint-stock companies carrying on industrial enterprises. A 
part of the evidence which will no doubt make a great impression points to the 
ridiculously small proportion which what are called fraudulent companies 
bear to the enormous mass of bond-fide commercial enterprises, bmtd-fide and 
profitable in all respects ; but, as I have said, it has been impossible to proceed 
more quickly in this matter by reason of the draft which the Committee 
makes upon the judicial strength of the House. Three members of the judicial 
body have been taken away, and we have not been able, with due regard to the 
judicial business of the country, to give more than a day a week to the 
Committee. 

Fraud by company, which has been declared by the Lord Chief 
Justice to be "rampant in the community," "widespread in its 
operation," "touching all classes," is pronounced by the Lord 
Chancellor, speaking as a Minister of the Crown, to be "ridiculously 
small." " Eidiculously small " is Lord Halsbury' s idea of a system 
of fraud by which in companies that are wound up compulsorily 
alone, excluding cases of reduced capital, within a period of seven 
years from 1891 till 1897 £28,160,482 has gone into "unworthy 
pockets." It is, I think, a matter of the utmost significance that 
the Hoolev proceedings were actually in progress, and the reports 
of the revelations incidental to those proceedings filling the 
columns of the daily press, at the very time the Lord Chancellor 
was talking of fraud by company as "ridiculously small." 

Lord Kussell's scathing indictment of this system of licensed 
iniquity was a powerful antidote to Lord Halsbury' s soothing 
syrup, and the delivery of that great speech by the Chief Justice 
on the eve of the first meeting of the Cabinet for the consideration 
of Government measures made it difficult for the Administration 
to avoid dealing with company reform in the session of 1899. The 
Cabinet, however, have adroitly managed to protect their proteges, 
the " guinea pigs," for at least another year. Not deterred by the 
failures of previous attempts at company legislation which had, 
since 1896, been initiated in the House of Lords, they resolved 
once more to introduce a Companies Bill not in the House of 
Commons but in the House of Lords, knowing well that by this 
action the fate of the Bill as a legislative measure was sealed. 
The Bill thus introduced to the House of Lords bv Lord Dudley 



13 



178 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

on behalf of the Government was read a second time on the 
10th February, 1899, and referred to a Select Committee. The 
report from this Select Committee and the proceedings of the 
Committee were ordered to be printed on the 18th May, a,nd the 
report was presented in June. The Bill, as amended by the 
Select Committee, was also ordered to be printed. I have before 
me the original Companies Bill of 1899 in the form in which it 
was introduced by the Government, and likewise the Bill as 
amended" by the Select Committee, after a session of upwards of 
three months. They met for the first time on the 13th February, 
and their last sitting, when the Bill was ordered to be reported 
with amendments to the House of Lords, took place on the 18th 
May. The contrast between these two documents is of interest. 
It is, I think, the general experience that a Bill leaves a Select 
Committee room in a form more extended than when it was first 
submitted to consideration. The various amendments in the 
nature of explanations, provisoes, and new clauses naturally have 
a tendency to enlarge a Bill. The Companies Bill of 1899, in its 
treatment by the Select Committee of the House of Lords, has 
had a somewhat unique experience. It left the Select Committee 
much smaller than when it was placed before them. The Bill, as 
it was originally drafted, was a document of forty-nine clauses 
embodied in twenty-four pages. The Bill, as amended by the 
Select Committee, is a document of thirty-six clauses embodied in 
eighteen pages. The work of the Select Committee was not a 
work of enlargement, but a work of curtailment and deletion. It 
would not, of course, be within the limits or arrangement pre- 
scribed for this article to enter into any detailed criticism of this 
Bill. It may, however, speaking broadly, be stated that the Bill 
in its original condition aimed at giving a legislative sanction, in 
the main, to the remedies suggested by Lord Eussell for the 
removal of the principal abuses connected with the promotion of 
companies. The energies of the Select Committee of which the 
Lord Chancellor w r as the Chairman were devoted largely at his 
instance to deleting from the measure its most important provisions 
for the safeguarding of the public from the frauds of the company 
promoter and director. 

It is no exaggeration to say that every one of the clauses 
deleted from the Companies Bill by the Select Committee was 
deleted in the interests of the "guinea pigs." The readers of the 
speeches of Lord Eussell and Lord Justice Fry on the iniquity of 
secret commissions, if they have the most cursory knowledge of 
the part played by secret commissions in the system of company 
fraud, will peruse with approval the following provisions in the 
original Bill dealing with the duties and liabilities of promoters 



179 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 



and directors, and the liabilities of directors in respect of debts 
and undue preferences, and will learn with amazement and 
indignation that every word of these clauses has been deleted from 
the Bill as amended by the Select Committee : — 

(1.) Every promoter is in a fiduciary relation towards the company which 
he is engaged in promoting, and consequently — 

(i.) a promoter may not sell or let his own property, or property in 
which he has an interest, to the company or intended company, 
and may not he interested in any contract with the company, 
unless before the completion of the purchase, lease, or contract 
a full and fair disclosure is made that he is the vendor or lessor 
of or has an interest in the property or in the contract, and of 
the nature and amount of that interest ; 
(ii.) any such contract as aforesaid with respect to which such disclosure 

is not made shall be voidable at the option of the company ; 
(iii.) a promoter may not retain for his own use any profit or remunera- 
tion, whether in money, shares, or otherwise, arising out of or 
received by him in connection with the promotion of the com- 
pany or in consideration of services rendered by him in the 
course of such promotion, unless full and fair disclosure has 
been made of the nature and amount of that profit or remunera- 
tion, and the company has assented thereto after such disclosure ; 

(iv.) every promoter shall be liable to account to the company for the 
amount or value of any such secret profit or remuneration as 
aforesaid, and to repay the same to the company with such 
interest as the court may direct. 
(2 ) Where a person would, bv his conduct or dealings in the promotion of 
any company, or otherwise, have incurred any liability, he shall not be dis- 
charged from that liability by reason only of his having acted as agent or on 
behalf of any person or company in respect of such promotion. 

(1 ) A director of a companv may not, in consideration of his becoming a 
director or taking any contract or otherwise acting in the company's concerns, 
or without anv such "consideration, retain for his own use any remuneration or 
crift in money, shares, or otherwise, from any promoter of the company, or from 
any vendor or 'lessor to the company, or from any person contracting with the 
companv, or from anv person interested in the fulfilment by tbe director of 
anv contract with the company, unless the remuneration or gift is received 
in pursuance of a power in that behalf contained in the articles of association, 
and is expressly sanctioned by an extraordinary resolution of the company, aiid 
any remuneration or gift not so sanctioned may be recovered by the company 
from the director with such interest as the court may direct. 

(2 ) Every director of a company shall be under an obligation to the 
companv to use reasonable care and prudence in the exercise of his powers, and 
shall be'liable to compensate the company for any damage incurred by reason 
of neglect to use such care and prudence. 

(1.) If any director of a company creates, or is party to the creation of, any 
debt or liability of the company, knowing at the time of its creation that there 
was not reasonable or probable ground of expectation that the company would be 
able to pay or discharge the debt or liability, he shall be personally liable to pay 
or discharge that debt or liability, but shall be entitled to recover contribution 
as in cases of contract from any person who, if sued separately, would have 
been subject to liability on the same ground. 



180 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

(2.) If any director of a company is knowingly party to any undue or fraudu- 
lent preference of any of the creditors of the company, he shall be guilty of a mis- 
feasance within the meaning of sect. 10 of the Companies (Winding-up) Act, 1890. 

(3.) If within four months next before the commencement of the winding- 
up of a company which is unable to pay its debts any director of the company 
pawns, pledges, or disposes of, otherwise than in the ordinary course of business, 
any property which he knows to have been obtained by the company on credit 
and not to have been paid for, or is party to any such pawning, pledging, or 
disposition, he shall be liable to indemnify the company against any liability 
to the vendor of the property in excess of the benefit, if any, which the com- 
pany has received from the transaction, and to pay the amount of that excess 
to that vendor. 

It might have been safely anticipated that a Bill which was 
not reported to the House of Lords till late in the session would, 
even if it had reached the House of Commons in due course, have 
little chance of becoming law. The discussions in that assembly 
with reference to the restoration of the more important provisions 
which had been deleted by the Select Committee from the Com- 
panies Bill, and the obstruction to which its passage through the 
House of Commons would have been subjected by the forces 
arrayed in opposition to the interests of the investing public and of 
commercial morality would, even if the measure had come down to 
the House early in June, have rendered its passage through that 
assembly last session practically hopeless. Care was, however, 
taken to paralyse for another session any attempt, however 
meagre, at company reform. The Select Committee presented 
their report on the 18th May, but the motion to go into Committee 
of the whole House on the Bill was not made in the House of 
Lords till the 20th July. The Bill passed through Committee on 
that day, and was read a third time on the 3rd August, but no 
proceedings of any kind were taken, after the Select Committee 
had reported, to get the Bill through the subsequent stages in the 
House of Lords till Mr. Balfour, in the House of Commons, had 
made the usual statement on behalf of the Government, as the 
session nears its termination, specifying the measures which the 
Government would insist on passing before the close of the session 
and the measures which they felt constrained to drop. When I 
asked Mr. Balfour was no measure for the reform of company law, 
in accordance with the promise in the Queen's Speech, to be 
placed on the Statute Book, he airily told me that the Bill had not 
yet come down from the House of Lords. Dates are of import- 
ance in this matter. Mr. Balfour's speech announcing the 
Government programme till the end of the session was made on 
17th July, the motion made by the Lord Chancellor in the House 
of Lords to go into Committee on the Companies Bill was made on 
20th July, when all danger of the Bill becoming law during the 
last session was absolutelv at an end. 



181 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

It may, perhaps, be urged that the charge brought against the 
Government of confederating with the House of Lords to retard 
legislation for company reform, and of conniving at the obstruction 
of such legislation in the Upper Chamber, is scarcely justifiable. 
The "guinea pig" element in the House of Commons is at least 
as strong as it is in the House of Lords, and the introduction. of a 
Companies Bill in the House of Lords instead of its introduction 
in the House of Commons cannot be distorted into an act either of 
hostility or of treachery to the cause of company reform. This 
objection, though specious, has little if any weight. Although the 
company-promoting interest in the House of Commons is strong, 
that interest should yield to the pressure of public opinion. A 
measure for the purpose of checking fraud by company introduced 
as a matter of primary importance by the Government would, of 
necessity, pass the House of Commons despite the dislike of 
" guinea pigs," who would know full well that the eyes of their 
constituents were upon them. The emancipation of the slaves, the 
disfranchisement of rotten boroughs, and the repeal of the corn laws 
were measures antagonistic to the interests of many who supported 
them in the House of Commons, coerced by pressure from without 
so to do. The House of Lords, who have no constituents to call 
them to account, and are accordingly less amenable than members 
of the House of Commons to the pressure of public opinion, can 
flout more easily the wishes of the people. Delay and obstruction 
in the interests of fraud by the House of Lords of remedial legis- 
lation can be carried to an extent which would not be tolerated 
in an elected assembly whose members are responsible to their 
constituents. It is indisputable that the action of the Government 
in introducing, in successive sessions, the Companies Bill in the 
House of Lords was prompted by a desire on their part to retard 
legislation dealing with fraud by company, which they did not 
dare openly to oppose, or even to neglect. 

Many reasons contribute to the sympathetic attitude of the 
members of the present Government to "guinea pigs." It has, for 
instance, been stated without fear of contradiction by Mr. Stutfield, 
a pronounced Unionist, that men of shady reputation in the 
company-mongering business have been introduced to constituencies 
with the imprimatur of the Government. Mr. Stutfield, in a letter 
in the Daily News, entitled "Promoters in Parliament," writes: — 

A serious matter, as it seems to me, is the rapid growth of the class of 
company-mongering M.P.'s and the encouragement which they receive from our 
leading statesmen. It is notorious that there are men whose presence in the 
existing House of Commons reflects grave discredit alike on that body and on 
the constituencies which sent them there. The character of these men was 
well known when they were selected as candidates ; yet they were in every case 
recommended to the electors, and in one unfortunate instance white-washed by 



182 




the leaders of the political party to which they belong. Mr. Balfour thinks 
that " we shall succeed in maintaining the high level of integrity which has 
been our greatest glory," and let us hope that he is right. I would ask, however, 
if that high level of integrity is likely to be preserved much longer if our 
political leaders continue to lend their moral sanction and support to company- 
mongers whose financial careers have been the scandal of the business world ? 

The Government, some of whose leading members have been 
largely responsible for the introduction of "guinea pigs" into the 
House of Commons, can scarcely be expected to institute legisla- 
tion for cramping the trade of the fraudulent company promoter. 
There is, however, another more powerful consideration which 
tends to the advantage of the capitalist and company promoter, 
and their protection from any legislation which will interfere with 
the profits of their trade, so long as this Government is constituted 
as at present. Let me speak with plainness. The present 
Government is pre-eminently a Government of company directors. 
Large as is the contingent of company directors in the House of 
Lords and in the House of Commons, the number of company 
directors amongst the Ministers of the Crown constituting the 
present Administration is in infinitely larger proportion. Out of 
586 members of the House of Peers 162 are company promoters. 
Out of 670 members of the House of Commons 264 are company 
directors, whereas out of the 44 gentlemen who compose the 
present Administration, 25 — more than half — are company- 
directors. If we exclude from this computation Ministers of the 
Crown who have not seats in the Cabinet, and regard the 
directorial contingent in the Cabinet alone, the result is still more 
striking. There are nineteen members of the Cabinet ; of these no 
fewer than eleven are company directors. The directorial con- 
tingent in the Government is thus indisputably far stronger than 
the directorial contingent in either of the Chambers of the Legis- 
lature, and the favour which it is alleged has been extended by 
members of the present Government in securing seats in the House 
of Commons for gentlemen connected with the company promoting 
enterprise may not uncharitably be attributed to the natural 
sympathy felt by these eminent men with members of the calling 
of which they are themselves ornaments. 

It is, moreover, of interest to know that the number of director- 
ships held by Ministers of the Crown at the present moment, 
however enormous, has been decreased by nineteen — nearly one- 
third — since the accession of this Administration to power in June, 
1895. On the 16th August, 1895, it was stated in the House of 
Commons, without fear of contradiction, that twenty-four members 
of the Government held among them sixty directorships and 
trusteeships of public companies, and Mr. Gibson Bowles then 



183 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

asked, amid loud cheers in all quarters of the House, whether the 
Government proposed to call on these twenty-four gentlemen to 
resign these directorships. 

We can gauge the considerations under which the sixty 
directorships held by members of the Government in 1895 have 
been reduced to forty-one in 1895 by the following announcement 
which appeared in the columns of the press, embodying a letter 
from Sir M. Hicks-Beach, written just three days after the 
admission in the House of Commons that no fewer than sixty 
directorships were held by members of the Government : — 

SIR M. H. BEACH AND THE COUNTY OF GLOUCESTER BANK. 

Sir M. H. Beach, Bart., M.P., has definitely decided to sever his connection 
with the directorate, as well as with the Chairmanship, of the County of 
Gloucester Bank, in consequence of the position he holds as a member of the 
Government. The Chancellor of the Exchequer announces his decision in a 
letter to Mr. H. Butt, who, it will be remembered, promoted and forwarded to 
the right hon. baronet a memorial, largely signed by the shareholders of the 
Bank, asking him to continue in office as a director. The letter has been 
handed to us for publication. It is as follows: — 

'•Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W., August 19th, 1S95. 

" Dear Mr. Butt, — I have to acknowledge the receipt, through you, of an 
address from very many shareholders in the County of Gloucester Bank, 
congratulating me on my appointment to the office of Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, and expressing a strong desire that, if compelled on that account 
to resign the Chairmanship of that Bank, I should at any rats retain the 
position of a director. 

" The address is so largely and influentially signed by persons of all 
political opinions that I regard it as expressing the view of the whole body of 
shareholders. I need hardly say that it would give me the greatest pleasure to 
meet their wishes if I could properly do so ; but it is. of course, necessary for 
me to act in this matter on the two main principles which, as Mr. Balfour 
recently stated in the House of Commons, have been (as I think, rightly) laid 
down for the guidance of the members of Her Majesty's Government. The 
first of these principles is that no member of the Government can enter into 
any engagement which would occupy the time that would properly belong to 
the public. My colleagues in the Bank direction have already pressed upon me 
their willingness to relieve me of all local work ; and I think I should have no 
difficulty in keeping myself completely in touch with the general business of 
the Bank without in the least degree infringing this rule. 

" The second principle is that no member of the Government should 
undertake any responsibility in connection with public companies that 
could be supposed to influence his policy, or diminish his usefulness, as a 
member of the Cabinet or Minister of a department. I trust that I am not 
capable of being influenced in what I might believe to be my duty as 
Chancellor of the Exchequer by holding a directorship of the County of 
Gloucester Bank. But I can easily imagine circumstances in which such a 
charge might be made against any Chancellor of the Exchequer; and. having 
carefully weighed the matter, I feel bound to remove all possible ground for 
any suspicion of the kind by persisting in the intention which I expressed at 
the half-yearly meeting of resigning my position as a director of the Bank." 

Let us take the second principle enunciated in the letter of Sir 
Michael Hicks-Beach. Is it not an insult to the intelligence of the 



184 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 



public to ask whether, with reference to the introduction and 
carrying of measures of comprehensive company reform, the 
present Government — with twenty-five of its members holding 
forty-one company directorships — have undertaken any responsi- 
bility in connection with public companies that could be supposed 
to influence their policy ? The late Mr. Mundella, in a personal 
explanation with reference to his resignation of the position of 
President of the Board of Trade, with a seat in the Cabinet, owing 
to circumstances arising out of the transactions of a company of 
which he was a director, said, amid loud cheers, on the 24th of 
of May, 1891 : "I think that the public have a right to be sure 
that there is not the slightest suspicion of conflict between personal 
and public considerations." 

Have the public that assurance when they see legislation to 
check fraud by company postponed session after session by the 
strongest Government of modern times, and when they remember 
that the twenty-five out of the forty-four Ministers w T ho constitute 
this strongest Government of modern times hold amongst them no 
fewer than forty-one directorships in public companies? The 
constitution of the present Administration — an Administration 
of company directors — must be regarded as the insuperable bar to 
any honest attempt at company reform as long as this Govern- 
ment is in existence. A Government of this character, in dealing 
with the amendment of company law, are placed of necessity in an 
attitude of conflict between personal and public considerations. 
They become judges in their own cause — a position utterly incom- 
patible with the most rudimentary conception of the administration 
of justice. The impropriety of a Government of company directors 
piloting through Parliament a measure of company reform may be 
estimated by the fact that in 1852 a judgment delivered by Lord 
Cottenham, as Lord Chancellor, was reversed in the House of 
Lords by Lord Campbell because Lord Cottenham had adjudicated 
upon a company matter in which he, as a shareholder, had an 
infinitesimal interest. Lord Campbell said in this case of Dimes 
v. Proprietors of Grand Junction Canal (3 H. L. P., 793) : — 

No one can suppose that Lord Cottenham could be in the remotest degree 
influenced by the interest he had in this concern, but, my lords, it is of the last 
importance that the maxim that no man should be judge in his own case should 
be held sacred. And that is not to be confined to a cause in which he is a 
party, but applies to a causs in which he has an interest. Since I have had 
the honour to be Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench we have again 
and again set aside proceedings in inferior tribunals because an individual 
who had an interest in the cause took a part in the decision. And it will 
have a most salutary influence on these tribunals when it is known that this 
High Court of last resort, in a case in which the Lord Chancellor of England 
had an interest, considered that his decree was on that account a decree not 
according to law, and was set aside. 



185 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

When in July, 1891, Mr. Goschen, who was, during the illness 
of the late Mr. W. H. Smith, acting as leader of the House of 
Commons, was asked to grant a return of the members of the 
Government who were company directors and of the companies 
which these gentlemen directed, Mr. Goschen declined to grant 
this return, and his refusal is clearly indicative of the disinclination 
in high quarters to the direction of public attention to this grave 
matter. Mr. Goschen said : — 

The hon. gentleman is probably aware that there are means of information 
within his reach which would show what directorships are held by any 
particular persons in which the names of the directors are given. I do not 
think it would be right, with the precedents that exist, that the Government 
should have recourse to what might be looked upon as an invidious return. 

By a recourse to the means within reach — namely, " The 
Directory of Directors, 1899'" — "the invidious return'" is ap- 
pended, for the benefit of the public, to this article. This return 
is remarkable, not merely for its contents, but for its omissions. 
Two members of the Cabinet who, from family associations, from 
commercial training, and from business capacity, might reasonably 
be expected to be company directors. Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. 
Goschen, are conspicuous by the absence of their names from this 
list. The inference is irresistible that these gentlemen know, as 
business men, that the positions of a Minister of the Crown and of 
a company director are utterly and wholly incompatible. Indeed, 
a very notable public utterance of Mr. Chamberlain's confirms the 
accuracy of this view as the reason of his withdrawal from the 
directorates of public companies. On the 28th March, 1895, 
Mr. Chamberlain bitterly denounced the reappointment of Sir 
Hercules Robinson (Lord Bosmead) to the Governorship of the 
Cape of Good Hope on the ground of his having been connected, 
as chairman and director, with trading companies in Cape Colonv. 
Mr. Chamberlain is, as we know, Secretary of State for the 
Colonies; the Earl of Selborne is Under Secretary of State for 
the Colonies, and Mr. Chamberlain's subordinate in the Colonial 
Office. It would be interesting to hear from Mr. Chamberlain a 
justification of the position of Lord Selborne as a director of the 
Peninsular and Oriental Steamship Company, with its enormous 
contracts with the various Government departments, and Lord 
Selborne's position as Under Secretary of State for the Colonies. 

The results of a perusal of the list of Ministers of the Crown 
who are company directors are somewhat startling. The present 
Cabinet, which is the largest Cabinet which ever existed, consists 
of nineteen members, of whom eleven — five peers and six com- 
moners — hold among them seventeen directorships. Of the five- 
and-twenty gentlemen who are Ministers of the Crown without 



186 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

seats in the Cabinet, fifteen divide among them no fewer than 
twenty-four directorships. Three Ministers — Lord Balfour of 
Burleigh, Mr. Graham Murray, and Mr. Macartney — have each 
three directorships. The most cursory glance at the list of 
Ministerial company directors would be sufficient to convince the 
meanest intelligence that no measure of effective company reform 
can be expected from the present Government. The chief 
hindrance to the abolition of fraud by company is a Government 
of company directors. 

It is a matter of congratulation to have the certainty that the 
Ministerial director will henceforward be confined exclusively to 
the Administration of one party in the State. On the 14th 
February, 1899, I moved the following amendment to the Address 
to the Throne : — 

And we humbly represent to your Majesty that twenty-five out of the 
forty-four Ministers of the Crown who constitute your Majesty's present 
Administration hold among them no fewer than forty-one directorships in 
public companies, and that we consider the position of a public company 
director to be incompatible with the position of a Minister of the Crown, and 
that the union of such offices is calculated to lower the dignity of public life. 

The speech delivered in the subsequent debate by Sir Henry 
Campbell-Bannerman, as leader of the Opposition, and the vote 
given in the division lobby by the members of the Liberal party 
in favour of the amendment, make it impossible for any member 
of any future Liberal Administration to continue to fill the position 
of a director of a public company. The principle laid down by Sir 
Henry Campbell-Bannerman was that Ministers of the Crown 
must act in this matter of directorship of public companies on the 
rule applied to all members of the Civil Service. Mr. Asquith's 
contention in support of this principle is unanswerable. He 
said : — 

Supposing, when I was at the head of a public department (the Home 
Office), I found that one of my subordinates had been engaged as a director in 
one of these companies, and during office hours had attended to the business 
of that company, what would be my duty as the head of that department ? It 
would be to censure him, and possibly dispense with his services. How could 
I perform that duty with clean hands and a clear conscience if I were myself 
a director of a company and were doing, as the head of the office, the very 
thing I would not allow my subordinate to do ? 

The suggestion that the enforced severance of the offices of 
company director and Minister of the Crown was likely to involve 
real hardship was summarily disposed of by a remark of a speaker 
from the Ministerial benches that the nineteen members of the 
Cabinet divide among them in their official salaries £93,000 per 
annum, and that members of the Government who are not 
members of the Cabinet have never complained of inadequate 



187 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

remuneration for their public services. The trend of opinion was 
significantly indicated by the fact that of the eighteen members 
of the House of Commons who took part in this debate calling 
attention to the anomalous position of Ministers of the Crown as 
company directors four only attempted to defend the practice, 
and of these four two — Mr. Balfour and Sir M. Hicks-Beach — 
were Cabinet Ministers. The Times, moreover, which is no 
Quixotic assailant of the abuses of administration, in a leading 
article plainly expressed the views of the great mass of the 
supporters of the present Government on this question. " The 
chivalry,'* it said, "of public opinion — if nothing more — is felt 
to be smirched by the connection, and every Minister who has the 
courage to rid himself of these directorships will rise appreciably 
in public estimation." 

The second of the principles laid down for the guidance of 
members of Her Majesty's Government with reference to companv 
directorships, and stated in the letter of Sir M. Hicks-Beach, 
"that no member of the Government should undertake anv 
responsibility in connection with public companies that could be 
supposed to influence his policy,'' proclaims a Government of 
company directors wholly disqualified while holding these director- 
ships to undertake the work of company reform. Can it be 
seriously contended that the fact that forty-four directorships of 
public companies held by twenty-six members of the Government 
will not influence the policy of the Government, at least to the 
extent expressed with such charming naivete by Lord Halsbury 
from the woolsack when explaining the delay in legislation to 
check fraud by company? "Nothing," said his lordship, "more 
disastrous could happen to the commerce of the country than anv 
attempt to place shackles on the development of joint-stock 
companies." Is it not conceivable that the forty-four directorships 
held by Ministerial profit -takers might — unconsciously, of course — 
influence the policy of the Government to the extent of minimising 
the extent of the gigantic system of company fraud, and of regard- 
ing that system, in the words of the Lord Chancellor, as 
"ridiculously small?" May not the directorial fees and salaries 
unconsciously influence a Government of company directors into 
a distaste for pressing on legislation which may disturb vested 
interests, and enable these statesmen to bear the miseries of the 
victims of Jabez Balfour and of Hooley with resignation ? A 
company-directing Administration must of necessity be foes to 
company reform. 

One of the most serious features of the company scandal 
consists in the relations of Ministers of the Crown to various 
companies as directors. No weight should be permitted to attach 



188 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

to the statement that a Minister of the Crown is precluded from 
being a director of a public company whose business clashes in any- 
way with that of his own department. The inaccuracy of that 
statement is glaringly exemplified by the fact that the Under 
Secretary of State for the Colonies is a director of the Peninsular 
and Oriental Steamship Company. If the statement was true it 
would still be extremely misleading. A Minister by his influence, 
direct or indirect, with his colleagues in other departments of 
administration can utilise in a manner which may never be exposed 
to criticism public power for company ends. The departments of 
administration are not independent of each other. They are, on 
the contrary, in close and sympathetic communication. No head 
of a department would venture on a line of policy in his own depart- 
ment without the advice, consent, and cordial co-operation of his 
Government as a whole. Mr. Gladstone's exposition of the 
relations of members of a British Administration to each other 
emphasises this point. He wrote : — 

The business of the State is a hundred times too great in volume to allow 
of the actual passing of the whole under the mind of the collected Ministry. 
It is, therefore, a prime office of discretion for each Minister to settle what are 
the departmental acts in which he can presume the concurrence of his 
colleagues, and in what more delicate or weighty or peculiar case he must 
positively ascertain it (" Gleanings of Past Years," I., p. 242). 

Let us for an instant suppose that the Secretary of the Board 
of Trade desired to institute a comprehensive reform of the railway 
system. He has himself no railway directorships, although he is 
a director of two public companies. His duties, accordingly, as a 
Minister of the Crown, in his own department are in railway 
matters free from embarrassment. But railway reform, though 
initiated by the Board of Trade, would be pre-eminently a subject 
which could not be undertaken by the head of that department 
independently, but must necessarily be a matter of collective 
Government action. Can it be imagined the duties of the ten 
members of the present Government who are railway directors 
would not, as railway directors, clash with their duties as Ministers 
of the Crown and powerfully affect, and in all probability mould, 
in the interests of the railway companies the action of the Govern- 
ment? It is well known that Mr. Ritchie, the President of the 
Board of Trade, regarded at first with much favour the Automatic 
Brake Bill. That Bill was, however, subsequently dropped. Is 
it not reasonable to conjecture that its abandonment was a con- 
cession to the railway interests in the Ministry ? Some light, I 
think, was shed on the value to companies of Cabinet Ministers as 
directors by a passage in Mr. Arthur Balfour's speech in defence 
of the union of the offices of Minister of the Crown and company 
director on the 15th February, 1899. Referring to the directorship 



189 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

of a railway company which was retained by Sir M. White-Ridley, 
the Home Secretary, on becoming a Cabinet Minister, Mr. Balfour 
said : — 

When the Government was formed my right hon. friend desired to divest 
himself of his directorship, and he was urgently pressed by the chairman of the 
company, who is a member of the party opposite, not to do so. My right hon. 
friend said that, of course, it would be impossible for him to attend the board 
meetings while he was in office, and they said that, nevertheless, they would be 
grateful to him if he would consent to remain a member of the board. 

Mr. Balfour had proceeded thus far when his speech was inter- 
rupted by the following pungent question by an hon. member, 
" For what purpose ? " 

I have never seen in any of the reports of the meetings of 
shareholders of companies any complaint advanced of neglect of 
duties or non-attendance at meetings of the directorate by a 
Minister who is a company director. When Mr. Goschen was 
asked in July, 1891, how it was possible for a member of the 
Government to attend board meetings, which probably take place 
once a week, and also to attend to the business of his department, 
he answered, with delightful naivete, " The question is a question 
for the shareholders. They have to decide whether they will elect 
or not elect a member of the Government. They are judges of 
the importance or otherwise of his presence at the board." 

It is, of course, the name of a Minister on the list of directors 
and not his attendance at meetings that is the desired object. It 
is not his services in the boardroom, but the sense of power with 
the Government of the country conferred upon the company in 
public estimation by having a Minister on its directorate which 
brings Minister directors into such strong request. " A Minister's 
good name," said Mr. Beckett, speaking as a supporter of the 
present Government, " was public property, and his reputation a 
financial asset, and of that company promoters were well aware." 

I am violating no confidence when I mention the fact that a 
member of the present Government told me that, offers had been 
made to him to permit his name to be added to the list of directors 
of certain companies, a step which it was urged on him would 
entail no additional work and no responsibility, and would have 
placed him — he is not wealthy — in the enjoyment of a handsome 
income. He spurned the "guinea pigging" proposition. 

While I do not desire to associate the kind of business which 
the twenty-six directors of companies who are Ministers of the 
Crown perform with the company work with which we are only 
too familiar in the records of the newspapers, I strongly maintain 
that the directorial element in the Government renders serious 
legislation to put down fraud by company absolutely impracticable ; 
that the holding of directorships in public companies by Ministers 



190 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 



of the Crown is calculated to give to those companies advan- 
tages and protection to their private interests at the expense 
and to the disparagement of the interests of the public at large ; 
and, thirdly, that the union of company director with the office of 
Minister of the Crown stands condemned by the circumstance 
alone of the Duke of Devonshire's directorship in the Hematite 
Company provoking the following strictures by Sir Henry 
Campbell-Bannerman on the 14th February, 1899 : — 

I thought at the time that it was rather an odd arrangement that the 
Duke of Devonshire, who was from circumstances of which we are all aware 
from his family position necessarily at the head of a great armaments company, 
should at the same time be the chief of the Committee of the Cabinet which 
was to determine upon points connected with the defence of the country. 

Mr. Gibson Bowles, in his speech on the following day, referred 
to this matter still more directly. He said : — 

I think that it is very unfortunate, as hematite iron is, I believe, the only 
sort of iron which is used for making the steel that ships are made of, that the 
Duke of Devonshire is a member of the Committee of Council on National 
Defence. I think I may say that no one would entertain the idea that any 
improper motive would ever influence the Duke of Devonshire ; at the same 
time I do say it is inconvenient and is not dignified for him to occupy both 
these positions, the more so at this moment because other processes are 
arising which may drive hematite iron out of the steel trade. 

It is no doubt true that no fraud in company transactions has 
of recent years been brought home to a Minister of the Crown. 
There are, however, precedents which should warn Ministers of 
the Crown against transactions which seem to savour of an interest 
conflicting with their public duty. In the South Sea Bubble crisis 
Minister after Minister was expelled from the House of Commons 
for corruption. A Speaker of the House of Commons — Sir John 
Trevor — was expelled from that assembly for the receipt of a bribe. 
Three Lord Chancellors of Bngland have been dismissed from the 
woolsack for pecuniary transactions of a questionable character. 
In 1805 Dundas, Lord Melville, a Cabinet Minister, was impeached 
for peculation, and so late as 1857 the notorious John Sadlier, a 
Lord of the Treasury, was expelled from the House of Commons 
for frauds in connection with public companies as base as the 
frauds of Jabez Balfour. Lord Macaulay, in burning words 
applicable to the system of fraud by company at the present day, 
has described the rise of stock-jobbing in England at the time 
of the Eevolution in the following terms : — 

Extensive combinations were formed and monstrous fables were circulated 
for the purpose of raising or depressing the price of shares. Our country 
witnessed for the first time those phenomena with which a long experience has 
made us familiar. An impatience to be rich, a contempt for those slow but 
sure gains which are the proper reward of industry, patience, and thrift, spread 
through society. The spirit of the cogging dicers of Whitefriars took possession 



191 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 

of the grave Senators of the city. Wardens of Trades, Deputies, Aldermen. It 
was much easier and much more lucrative to put forth a lying prospectus 
announcing a new stock, to persuade ignorant people that the dividends could 
not fall short of 20 per cent, and to part with five thousand pounds of this 
imaginary wealth for ten thousand solid guineas than to load a ship with a well- 
chosen cargo for Virginia and Levant. Every day some new bubble was puffed 
into existence, rose buoyant, shone bright, burst, and was forgotten. 

This system of fraud quickly affected the Ministers of the 
Crown of the day. In 1695 Sir Edward Cook, who was member 
for Colchester and Governor of the East India Company, on a Bill 
being passed into law to indemnify him, testified before a Joint 
Committee of the House of Lords and Commons that he had spent 
upwards of eighty thousand pounds, entrusted to him as secret 
service money by the East India Company, in the bribery of the 
Ministers of the Crown to secure a charter for that company. The 
evidence given by a man named Bates of the history of a sum of 
five thousand five hundred guineas given to him by Cook to bribe 
the Duke of Leeds is as strange as the history of Mr. Hooley's 
cheque of £30,000 to the Carlton Club. Macaulay writes : — 

Bates owned that he had undertaken to bribe Leeds, had been for that 
purpose furnished with five thousand five hundred guineas, which was then 
worth at least eight thousand pounds, had offered those guineas to his Grace, 
and had by his Grace's permission left them lying at his Grace's house in the care 
of a Swiss named Robart, who was his Grace's confidential man of business. 
It should seem that these facts admitted of only one interpretation. Bates, 
however, swore that the Duke had refused to accept a farthing. "Why, then," 
it was asked, " was the gold left by his permission at his house and in the hands 
of his servant?" '• Because," answered Bates, "I am bad at telling coin. I, 
therefore, begged his Grace to let me leave the pieces in order that Robart 
might count them for me, and his Grace was so good as to consent." It was 
evident that if this strange story were true the guineas would in a few hours 
have been taken away. But Bates was forced to confess that they had remained 
half a year where he had left them. The money had, indeed, at last — and this 
was one of the most suspicious circumstances of the case — been paid back by 
Robart on the very morning on which the Committee first met. Who could 
believe that, if the transaction could be free from all taint of corruption, the 
money would have been detained as long as Cook was able to remain silent, and 
would have been refunded on the very first day on which he was under the 
necessity of speaking out? 

I have recalled these incidents as illustrations of the tendency 
of any system of widespread corruption in the country to reach 
and to taint Ministerial circles. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, in his 
speech at Swansea, in January, 1898, to which I have so frequently 
alluded, anticipated an observation which might be made by the 
audience which had heard his denunciation of fraud by company. 
" They would say that he was a member of the Government and 
the Government ought to set the matter right." The first serious 
step towards company reform must be the weeding out from the 
Ministry of the Crown of company directors. 



192 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 



APPENDIX. 



The following is a list of the company directorships held by 
members of the present Government. In this list the Naval Lords 
of the Admiralty and certain officers of the Household who cannot 
accurately be placed in the Ministry, although they lose office on a 
change of Administration, are not included : — 

MEMBERS OF THE CABINET, 19. 



1. Marquis of Salisbury, Prime 

Minister and Secretary of 
State for Foreign Affairs. 

2. Earl of Halsbury, Lord 

Chancellor. 

3. Duke of Devonshire, Presi- 

dent of Council. 

4. Viscount Cross, Lord Privy 

Seal. 

5. Sir M. White Ridley, Home 

Secretary. 

6. Eight Hon. J. Chamberlain, 

Colonial Secretary. 

7. Marquis of Landsdowne, Sec- 

retary of War. 

8. Sir M. Hicks-Beach, Chan- 

cellor of the Exchequer. 

9. Lord George Hamilton, Sec- 

retary for India. 
10. Lord Balfour of Burleigh, 
Secretary for Scotland. 



11. Right Hon. G. J. Goschen, 

First Lord of the Admiralty. 

12. Eight Hon. A. J. Balfour, 

First Lord of the Treasury. 

13. Earl Cadogan, Lord Lieu- 

tenant of Ireland. 

14. Lord Ashbourne, Lord Chan- 

cellor of Ireland. 



Directorships. 

University Life Assurance 

Society. 

North Cornwall Railway Com- 
pany. 

Barrow Hematite Steel Com- 
pany Limited (Chairman) ; 
Furness Railway Company. 

Great Central Railway Com- 
pany. 

North-Western Railway Com- 
pany; Forth Bridge Railway 
Company. 



Economic Life Assurance 
Society. 

Pelican Life Assurance Com- 
pany. 

Bank of Scotland (Deputy 
Governor) ; National Bank 
of Scotland Limited (Extra- 
ordinary Director) ; San 
Puerto Brazilian Railway 
Company Limited. 



193 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 



members of the cabinet — continued. 



15. Eight Hon. C. T. Kitchie, 

President of the Local 
Government Board. 

16. Lord James of Hereford, 

Chancellor of the Duchy 
of Lancaster. 

17. Eight Hon. H. Chaplin, 

President of the Local 
Government Board. 

18. Eight Hon. W. Long, Presi- 

dent of the Board of 
Agriculture. 

19. Eight Hon. A. Akers Douglas, 

First Commissioner of 
Works. 



Directorships. 
Eoyal Exchange Assurance 
Corporation ; Union Bank of 
London Limited. 



Equitable Life Assurance 
Society ; Great Western 
Eailway Company. 

London, Chatham, and Dover 
Eailway Company. 



members of government not in cabinet (25). 

Directorships. 
Aluminium Company Limited. 



1. Eight Hon. G. W. Balfour, 

Irish Secretary. 

2. Duke of Norfolk, Postmaster 

General. 

3. Sir J. Gorst, Vice-President 

of Council. 

4. Mr. H. T. Anstruther, Junior 

Lord of the Treasury. 

5. Mr. W. H. Fisher, Junior 

Lord of the Treasury. 

6. Lord Stanley, Junior Lord of 

the Treasury. 

7. Eight Hon. E. W. Hanbury, 

Financial Secretary to the 
Treasury. 

8. Sir W. H. Walrond, Patron- 

age Secretary to the 
Treasury. 

9. Earl of Hopetoun, Lord 

High Chamberlain. 



10. Mr. Austen Chamberlain, 
Civil Lord of the Admiralty. 



Chairman of the British Empire 
Mutual Assurance Company. 



Westminster Electric Supply 
Corporation ; Westminster 
Trust Limited. 



Bank of Scotland (Extraordinary 
Director) ; Standard Life 
Assurance Company (a 
Deputy Governor). 

Bank of Africa Limited. 



14 



194 



COMPANY FRAUDS AND PARLIAMENTARY INACTIVITY. 



MEMBERS OF GOVERNMENT NOT IN CABINET Continued. 



11. Mr. W. G. Ellison Macartney, 
Secretary to the Admiralty. 



12. Et. Hon. J. Collings, Under- 

Secretary to the Home 
Office. 

13. Eight Hon. W. St. John 

Brodrick, Under-Secretary 
of State for Foreign Affairs. 

14. Earl of Selborne, Under- 

Secretary for the Colonies. 

15. Earl of Onslow, Under- 

Secretary for India. 

16. Mr. George Wyndham, 

Under-Secretary of State 
for War. 

17. Earl of Dudley, Secretary to 

the Board of Trade. 
IS. Mr. T. W. Eussell, Secretary 

of the Local Government 

Board. 
19. Mr. J. Powell Williams, 

Financial Secretary to the 

War Office. 



20. Sir E. E. Webster, Attorney- 

General. 

21. Sir E. B. Finlay, Solicitor- 

General. 

22. Eight Hon. A. Graham- 

Murray, Lord Advocate of 
Scotland. 

23. Mr. C. S. Dickson, Solicitor- 

General for Scotland. 

24. Eight Hon. J. Atkinson, 

Attorney-General for Ire- 
land. 

25. Mr. Dunbar Barton, Solicitor- 

General for Ireland. 



Directorships. 

Clogher Valley Eailway Com- 
pany Limited ; Dundalk, 
Newry, and Greenore Eail- 
way Company; London and 
North- Western Eailway Com- 
pany. 



Globe Telegraph and Trustee 
Company Limited ; Eock Life 
Assurance Society. 

Peninsular and Oriental Steam 
Navigation Company. 



London, Chatham, and Dover 
Eailway Company. 



Midland Eailway Carriage and 
Waggon Company Limited; 
Scottish Union and Mutual 
Assurance Company (Bir- 
mingham Local Board). 

Law Life Assurance Society. 



Bank of Scotland ; Great North 
of Scotland Eailway Com- 
pany; Standard Life Assur- 
ance Company. 



Arthur Guinness and Company 
Limited. 



195 



Ok Cotton mill Cowns of Rcu) 

tnalanU. 



BY EDWARD PORRITT. 




ASSACHUSETTS is 
of New England. 



pre-eminently the Lancashire 
In Massachusetts the cotton 



industry not only of Xew England, but of the 
United States, is seen at its best. For that reason, 
as the object of this article is to give the readers of 
the Co-operative "Annual" an idea of the economic 
conditions and the workaday life in the Xew England cotton 
towns, Massachusetts is the State selected as typical of the cotton 
industry in Xew England. 

There are six Xew England States — Maine, Xew Hampshire, 
Vermont, Ehode Island, Massachusetts, and Connecticut. There 
is cotton manufacturing in all of them ; but Massachusetts is the 
largest of these cotton manufacturing States, as well as the largest 
cotton manufacturing State in America; and, by reason of its 
industrial activities and of its school and factory laws, it has long 
stood at the head of all the manufacturing States. For more than 
a generation it has led the way in enlightened and humane factory 
legislation. Its supremacy in the cotton trade has in recent years 
seemed to be threatened from the fact that its cotton manufacturers 
have had to compete with the States in the South, in which there 
are practically no factory laws and no trade unions. The cotton 
manufacturers, when times were bad, sought to impress the 
Legislature with the threatening character of the new competition 
from the South, and to induce the Legislature to take some 
retrograde steps in respect to factory legislation. But there has 
been no turning back, and in all matters affecting labour legislation 
Massachusetts takes first place among the industrial States of the 
Union. The place Massachusetts now holds in the American cotton 
trade can be made clear by the quotation of a few figures. At the 
end of 1898 there were 19,284,135 cotton spindles in the United 
States. Of these 13,237,376 were in the Xew England States; 
1,753,471 in the five Atlantic coast States, extending from Xew 
York to Maryland; 235,044 scattered over the Western States; 
and 4,057,244 in the twelve Southern States. Of the 13,237,376 
spindles in Xew England, 7,799,872 are in Massachusetts. The 



196 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 



great centres of the trade in Massachusetts are Fall Eiver, which 
has 2,900,000 spindles and 70,880 looms; New Bedford, with 
1,243,500 spindles and 17,454 looms; Lowell, with 989,894 spindles 
and 29,442 looms; and Law T rance with 658,750 spindles and 11,504 
looms. It is with these towns, the Boltons, the Blackburns, and 
the Oldhams of Massachusetts, and particularly with Fall Eiver 
and Lowell, that this article is concerned. 

The cotton industry in Massachusetts is not nearly so concen- 
trated as in Lancashire. It centres about the large towns. 
Isolated mill villages are few, and comparatively long distances 
intervene between one great cotton centre and another. New 
Bedford, the great spinning centre, is on the coast. Fall Eiver is 
fifteen miles from New Bedford, with only one mill on the road 
between the two cities ; while Lowell is seventy miles from Fall 
Eiver, through a country devoted almost entirely to agriculture, 
with a cotton manufacturing village only here and there. In 
recent years, the tendency has been to group the new mills in the 
large cities. Even a good water power is not a sufficient induce- 
ment to justify the establishment of mills in isolated villages. 
Nearly all the operatives in the Massachusetts mills are of the 
immigrant class, either immigrants or the children of immigrants. 
Comparatively few people of American parentage go into the mills 
as operatives. All the new-comers prefer the cities to the country ; 
and it is much easier for a mill superintendent to maintain his full 
complement of operatives in a mill in a city than in a mill in an 
isolated village. In consequence of these conditions, the popula- 
tion of all the manufacturing towns has enormously increased 
during the last two decades, and few modern mills are to be found 
outside the larger centres of the cotton trade. 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS. 

Fall Eiver has the largest population of any of the Massachusetts 
cotton towns. It is now nearly 100,000, and of this population 
28,000 are employed in the cotton mills. The mill population is 
peculiarly cosmopolitan. Four years ago a census of the mill 
operatives of Fall Eiver was taken, when it was ascertained that 
15,823 were foreign born. The native countries of these new- 
comers were as follow: — 



Canada (English) 217 

Canada (French) 6,056 

England 6,073 

Germany 64 

Ireland 2,130 

New Brunswick 13 

Nova Scotia 21 



Portugal 587 

Prince Edward Island ... 25 

Scotland 344 

Sweden 19 

Other foreign countries .. . 274 



15,823 



197 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

At the time the census at Fall Biver was taken trade was 
depressed, and the mills were not employing so many workpeople 
as when trade was brisk. During the latter part of 1898 trade was 
improving. It has continued to improve all through 1899; and, 
with all the mills again working full time, the stream of immigra- 
tion has swelled. Most of the new immigrants are French-Canadians 
from the Province of Quebec, and Portuguese from the Azores 
and the other islands in the Atlantic belonging to Portugal. 

Cotton manufacturing began at Fall Biver in the first decade 
of this century, when all the workpeople were of New England 
parentage, and people of this class continued to fill the mills until 
about the fifties. Then the immigration from Lancashire and 
from Ireland began. About ten or fifteen years later the French- 
Canadians began to make their way into the Massachusetts mills, 
and they have continued to come in increasing numbers up to the 
present time. There are now so many of them that a daily paper 
is published at Fall Biver in the French language. The French- 
Canadians form the majority of the inhabitants of two or three 
wards of the city, and there are several French-Canadian mem- 
bers on the Board of Aldermen and on the City Council; while 
the French- Canadian Catholic Church, which is situated in that 
part of Fall Biver known as Flint Village, is as magnificent as 
many cathedrals. 

The figures which have been quoted as to the foreign-born mill 
operatives are for the city of Fall Biver only; but inquiries at New 
Bedford and Lowell elicited the statements that the foreign-born 
mill workpeople are in about the same proportion there. There is 
perhaps a larger proportion of Portuguese at New Bedford, as New 
Bedford was formerly a great whaling port, and had a large 
Portuguese population long before cotton spinning and weaving 
were begun there in the eighties, after the whaling industry had 
failed the city. 

The Lancashire immigrants have obviously impressed them- 
selves on the life of Fall Biver. Men of Lancashire birth, and 
Irishmen who have come from the Lancashire mill towns, have 
been the pioneers of the trade union movement; and as one walks 
through the streets of Fall Biver, surnames which are local to 
Darwen and Blackburn, and to Bury and Heywood, occur with 
remarkable frequency — with a frequency which to a new-comer 
from Lancashire to Fall Biver is almost sufficient to engender a 
feeling of homesickness. In the streets the Lancashire dialect is 
to be heard at every turn. The last time I was at Fall Biver a 
circus parade was in progress. All the mills had been stopped for 
a couple of hours in order that the workpeople might see the 



198 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

parade ; and, passing in and out of the crowd, the Lancashire 
dialect and intonation were frequently to be heard, mingled with 
the patois of the habitant of French Canada who had exchanged 
his rural surroundings in the old French Province and the rule of 
the priest for the freer life and larger industrial opportunities of 
the metropolis of the Massachusetts cotton trade. 

As regards the development of the cotton trade at Fall Eiver, 
it is not possible to trace that Lancashire men have had any large 
share in it. What I mean is that it is not possible to point to 
this or that great mill and say that it was built or even managed 
by a Lancashire man. But the rank and file of the mill population 
for nearly fifty years have been drawn in a large measure from 
Lancashire, and were it only in connection with the trade unions 
Lancashire men and Lancashire ideas have undoubtedly impressed 
themselves on Fall Eiver, and on most of the larger Massachusetts 
cotton towns. 

Outwardly Fall Eiver is the least attractive of the cotton towns. 
Its natural situation is remarkably beautiful. It stands on a long 
hill which slopes down to an arm of the sea ; while up on the hill 
behind the city there is a chain of lakes, the water from which falls 
into the sea by the river from which the city takes its name. Fall 
Eiver is classed as a city. Its population and its industrial wealth 
give it that rank ; but it is rather an aggregation of villages than a 
city; villages which have grown up about the cotton mills. It 
gives one the impression of a city which has grown too quickly for 
its municipal treasury. The main streets are paved with large 
granite sets; but most of the side streets are dirty and unkempt. 
Scores of the streets are only partially built, and in the industrial 
sections of the city three-storey tenements are the rule. 

For the industrial population there are comparatively few 
self-contained houses ; and, as tenements are inconsistent with 
gardening and house-pride, as house-pride is understood in Lanca- 
shire, there are no gardens, lawns, or trees, and the wooden 
tenement houses stand bare to the street. Many of the houses 
lack paint. The streets are unpaved, and generally the industrial 
residential portions of Fall Eiver present a bedraggled appearance. 
There is, however, not much smoke in comparison with the Lanca- 
shire cotton towns, and the clear atmosphere and the brilliant 
American skies prevent Fall Eiver from being absolutely depressing. 

The cotton mills are the chief attraction of Fall Eiver. There 
are eighty-one of them, owned by forty-one companies, or corpora- 
tions, as they are called in New England. These mills are dotted 
all over the city. Some of them abut on to the principal business 
streets. Many of them are on the shores of the lakes and the 



199 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 



river. The rnills have made the city, and their presence in all 
parts of it is a continual reminder of the fact that the city has 
grown up about the mills. 

All the mills are built of light grey granite, the formation which 
underlies the whole of the city. They are as handsome in appear- 
ance as mill buildings could possibly be, and, generally speaking, 
are six or seven storeys high. The walls of many of them are 
overgrown with Japanese ivy. There are no weaving sheds, as 
there are in Lancashire. All the departments are under one roof, 
the two lower floors being usually set apart for weaving. The 
windows on these floors are very high and of double width. One- 
storey, sky-lighted rooms would not be possible in the climate of 
New England. In the summer, when the temperature in the sun 
is often at 12CP to 130", weaving sheds of the Lancashire type 
would be unbearably hot ; while in the winter, for weeks at a time, 
the sky-lights would be covered with two feet of snow. When a 
mill company is engaged only in weaving, the mills are two storeys 
high, with flat gravelled roofs. All the New England cotton mills 
are built after this style. The new mills are so wide, high, and 
well lighted that, although there are twelve or thirteen alleys in the 
weaving rooms, it is lighter in the middle alleys than in the second 
or third from the windows in the older mills. All the newer mills 
have one or two towers, according to the length of the mill. The 
stairways are in these towers, and the tower rooms serve as the 
landing or entry for each floor. The towers rise above the mill 
buildings to afford a place for the belfry. 

When the cotton industry was begun at Fall River in 1812, water 
power only was used, and for many years subsequent to 1812 the 
mills were grouped on Fall River and driven by water power. The 
source of the supply was the beautiful lakes which now form one 
of the greatest attractions of the city. These lakes are known 
by their Indian name of Watuppa, or the Place of Boats. The 
chain is eight miles long, and the average breadth is three-quarters 
of a mile. They cover more than 3,500 acres. They are re- 
plenished chiefly from springs, and the quantity of water varies 
but little with the seasons. The fall from the lakes to the bay is 
great — 132 feet in less than half a mile — hence the Indian name 
of Quequechan, or Quick-falling Water, by which the river is still 
known. In this short distance there are eight falls, ranging in 
height from ten and a half feet to twenty-one feet eight inches. 

This water power had much to do with the early history of the 
cotton trade at Fall River ; but at the present time only one of the 
large cotton mills, that of the Troy Manufacturing Company, is 
driven exclusively by water power. Many of the mills, as has been 
stated, are on the shores of the lakes and river ; but the chie 



200 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 



advantage of this situation is a never-failing supply of water for 
boilers and the other uses to which water is put in a modern 
cotton mill. Part of the chain of lakes is now in the possession 
of the municipality for the water supply of the city, which ranks 
among the best of New England city water services. The supply 
is at the door of the city, and can easily be made adequate to meet 
the wants of Fall Eiver for generations to come. 

In regard to the advantages of water, it is impossible to con- 
ceive of a city better placed than is Fall Eiver. The lakes give the 
city and the mills all the fresh water they can need, and the city 
has an excellent front to the bay. Large steamers and sailing 
craft are constantly at the wharves, bringing raw materials to the 
mills and carrying away their product. Only a small part of the 
345,000 bales of cotton needed each year for the mills comes by 
water. Much of it is bought inland, and is carried by rail from the 
South. Nearly all the coal, however, is brought to the city by sea. 
It is obtained in Pennsylvania, and is brought northwards along 
the coast in immense sea-going barges in tow of steamers, and 
carted from the wharves to the mills. So far as railway service is 
concerned, Fall Eiver is no better off than most Lancashire towns. 
It is practically in the hands of one railway company, and very 
few of the mills are* directly connected with the railway. There is 
as much carting of raw cotton, coal, yarn, and cloth as in any 
Lancashire town with which I am familiar. All this carting is done 
on low drays, which seem to have some obvious advantages over 
the Lancashire lurry. 

New Bedford is a city of an entirely different character from 
Fall Eiver. It may be described as a Southport or a Lytham, with 
a factory district on the outskirts. Its industrial history is quite 
different from that of Fall Eiver. At Fall Eiver, as has been 
explained, the city grew up about the mills. At New Bedford, the 
cotton mills were added long after the city had become a place of 
population and importance. New Bedford owed its early im- 
portance to the fact that up to twenty years ago it was the foremost 
of the Atlantic whaling ports. Up to about 1860 more than 300 
whaling vessels had their headquarters at New Bedford, and at 
this period nearly 10,000 men were engaged in the whaling 
industry. From about 1860 the whaling business declined, and at 
the present time not more than twenty New Bedford vessels are 
engaged in it. 

It was the failure of the whaling industry that turned the 
attention of the local capitalists to the cotton industry. Cotton 
manufacturing on a small scale had been carried on there since 
the forties, but it was not until 1881 that the industry began to 
assume its present proportions. The climate at New Bedford is 



201 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

admirably adapted to cotton manufacturing, and during the twenty 
years that the industry has been established there it has been 
extended so rapidly that in 1899 there were thirty-four large mills, 
and the city now stands first in the United States in the manu- 
facture of fine cotton goods and fine yarns, and second in the 
number of cotton spindles. It has 1,243,500 spindles and 17,454 
looms. Its population is about 65,000, of whom a little more than 
21,000 are employed in the cotton mills. The city stands on 
sharply rising ground at the head of one of the beautiful inlets of 
Cape Cod coast. It is a residential city and a summer resort, is 
one of the Cape Cod coast yachting ports, and, except in the mill 
districts, has outwardly as little to suggest that it is one of the 
great centres of the New England cotton trade as Buxton or 
Southport. Its shopping streets, its public buildings, and its pretty 
tree-shaded residential avenues all indicate a settled city, a large 
leisured population, and much local wealth, and suggest an indus- 
trial history quite different from that of Fall River or Lowell, the 
older centres of the Massachusetts cotton trade. 

At Lowell the cotton industry dates from 1822, and there, as at 
Fall River, the city has grown up about the mills and the remark- 
able system of canals from which two-fifths of the entire motive 
power is still derived. Lowell is situated on the Merrimac, the 
second largest of the magnificent New England rivers ; and at 
Lowell the Concord River flows into the Merrimac and forms part 
of the system of waterways which have had such an enormous 
part in the development of the cotton industry there. The Merri- 
mac rises in the White Mountains, in New Hampshire, the State 
to the northwards of Massachusetts. It taps Lake Winnipiseogee, 
a body of water covering seventy square miles, and it flows past 
the New Hampshire cotton towns of Manchester and Nashua, 
and, before it reaches Lowell, which is just over the Massachusetts 
border, it has already turned more cotton spindles than any other 
river in the world. At Lowell the Merrimac is as wide as the 
Thames at Westminster. Just above the city there are falls in the 
river. At this point the Merrimac is dammed, and the immense 
head of water so obtained is carried by canals to the turbines in 
the cotton mills. There are ten of these canals. Each canal is 
sixty feet wide and eight feet deep. All of them are constantly 
full of water, travelling at a forceful and rapid rate under the mills, 
and thence again into the ordinary course of the river. There are 
sixteen miles of waterway, which cut the city into seven or eight 
islands. Great as is the power thus furnished by the Merrimac and 
the Concord, Lowell has long outgrown it, and three-fifths of the 
aggregate motive power used in the mills is now steam. The 
figures given me were — water, 20,000 horse power ; steam, 30,000 



202 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

horse power. Even by the mill companies in possession of the 
water rights water power is not valued as highly as it was in the 
early days of the industry. Lowell is admirably served by several 
lines of railway. Spur lines run all over the city, even across the 
principal streets, and almost in front of the beautiful city hall and 
public library. Every large mill has direct communication with 
the railway. Coal is comparatively cheap, and is handled without 
carting. With the development of cotton manufacturing, new uses 
have been found in New England as in Lancashire for steam, so 
that the Lowell water power has not nowadays quite all the 
advantages it had when the industry was in its infancy, and when 
Massachusetts was not, as now, gridironed with railways connect- 
ing the manufacturing communities with the seaports and the 
commercial centres like Boston, Providence, and New York. Here 
it may be parenthetically added that for many years past a large 
part of the product of the Lowell mills has gone to China, and is 
carried across the continent over the Canadian Pacific Railway 
to Vancouver, where it is shipped for the Orient. 

In the issue of the Co-operative "Annual" for 1895 I wrote an 
article describing the great development of the cotton trade in 
the Southern States of Georgia and the two Carolinas, describing 
the goods manufactured in these new Southern centres of the 
trade, and explaining how this new Southern competition in plain 
cloths, sheetings, and drills was affecting trade in the older-estab- 
lished centres in New England. This new competition, which 
dates from about 1885, and which has been increasing in recent 
years, has been more acutely felt in Lowell than perhaps in any 
other centre of the New England trade. Several of the Lowell 
mill companies have trade marks in the coarse kinds of cotton 
goods which have long been favourably known all over the East — 
so well known, so some of the Lowell manufacturers say, that their 
success has induced some of the Lancashire mills to copy them. 

The goods covered by these trade marks are of the same class 
as those made in many of the Southern mills, and, as they can 
undoubtedly be made cheaper in Georgia and the Carolinas than in 
Massachusetts, three or four of the largest Lowell corporations 
have within the last few years established mills in the South for 
the manufacture of their coarser products, and are now making 
the finer grades of goods in their Lowell mills. These mills are 
now constantly pushing into the finer grades. They are in 1899 as 
fully employed as ever they were, and increasingly on those grades 
of goods with which as yet there is no competition from the South. 
So far the competition of the South has brought nothing but good 
to the Lowell mills, for the reason that the mill companies quickly 
realised that the South has various advantages for the manufacture 



203 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

of heavy goods, and promptly adapted their business and their 
plants to the new conditions due to the continuous and immense 
development in the States which are now manufacturing cotton as 
well as cultivating it. 

Some of the old characteristics of the New England cotton 
industry still survive at Lowell. The mill companies still own and 
control numerous boarding-houses in which the mill operatives 
live. These houses are in the streets immediately adjacent to the 
mills, usually so near as to be easily within the sound of the mill 
machinery. The common type of mill boarding-house is a three- 
storeyed building of brick. All the mill houses are remarkably 
well kept. The streets are well paved and well cleaned, and most 
of them are planted with trees. 

This system of mill boarding-houses dates from the very 
beginning of the industry, when the workpeople in the mills were 
drawn from the New England farms, and long before the immi- 
gration from Lancashire, from Ireland, from French Canada, and 
from the Atlantic Islands of Portugal had begun. In those days it 
was as necessary to build boarding-houses for the operatives as it 
was to build mills to house the spinning frames and the looms, as 
then Lowell was nothing more than a New England village. 

When the cotton industry was at this stage of its development 
the rules that the mill boarders were called upon to obey were 
almost as strict as those which apply at Oxford and Cambridge to 
students who have their rooms outside the colleges. I have before 
me a copy of the rules as they existed in 1851. Then, as now, the 
boarding-house keepers rented their houses from the mill corpora- 
tions and collected their pay for the boarders at the mill offices. 
One of the rules provides that '"the tenants of the boarding-houses 
are not to board or permit any part of their houses to be occupied 
by any person except those in the employ of the company without 
special permission." Another rule makes the boarding-house 
keepers "answerable for any improper conduct in their houses," 
and sets out that they are " not to permit their boarders to have 
company at unseasonable hours." 

At this period a curfew bell was rung at nine o'clock, and the 
rules further provided that the doors of the boarding-houses "must 
be closed at ten o'clock in the evening, and no person admitted 
after that time without some reasonable excuse." Another of the 
rules set out that ,; the keepers of the boarding-houses must give 
an account of the number, names, and employment of their boarders 
when required, and report the names of such as are guilty of any 
improper conduct or are not in the regular habit of attending public 
worship." The companies paid for the vaccination of their work- 
people, and the boarding-house rules provided that " some suitable 



204 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

chamber in the house must be reserved for the use of the sick, so 
that others may not be under the necessity of sleeping in the same 
room." The curfew still rings at Lowell, but there is nowadays no 
hurrying off the streets when the bell goes, and the mill companies 
have long since ceased to have any care for " the regular habit of 
attending public worship." These changes in the social life of the 
mill operatives came when the people of New England parentage 
abandoned cotton mill work for better paying and more varied 
employment, and when their places were taken by immigrants from 
England and Ireland, and from the French Province of Canada. 
The boarding-house system has, however, survived these changes. 
There is no compulsion on workpeople to live in the houses. They 
choose to do so because they can live more cheaply and better 
under this system than in any ordinary boarding-house. 

The rates for men are $2.25, or nine shillings a week ; for 
women $1.75, or seven shillings a week. The houses are rented 
to the boarding-house keepers by the mill companies at $6.00, or 
twenty-four shillings, a month, about one half of their full rental 
value ; and, in addition to the payment for board and lodging from 
the mill operatives, the mill companies make a payment to the 
boarding-house keepers of a dollar a month in respect to each 
inmate. To a Lancashire visitor such a system would seem 
pernicious, to savour too much of barracks life, and to be contrary 
to the spirit of the Truck Acts. But it has to be remembered that 
in all American cities boarding-houses are the rule and private 
lodgings the exception, and that to most Americans there are only 
two alternatives, keeping house or boarding. 

In the early days of the cotton trade the mill companies had to 
offer advantages to the farming population to attract them to the 
mill centres. There was then nothing of the nature of truck in 
the boarding-house system, for the mill companies made no profit 
out of it, and the system on this basis has survived the social 
changes in the mills because it is of advantage to the mill work- 
people. It has also had the effect of making Lowell a well-built 
and compact city, in which respect it differs greatly from Fall 
Eiver. Even the trade union leaders speak well of the boarding- 
house system, and its existence has made Lowell the cheapest 
city in New England as regards rents and living expenses. 

Only a small proportion of the mill population now lives in the 
boarding-houses and in the mill tenements occupied by the opera- 
tives with families. The coming of the electric street car, and 
especially of the bicycle, is serving to carry the mill population, 
like other people, out into the suburbs, and working a greater 
change even than the change from American to immigrant labour 
in the cotton mills. 



205 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

It is hardly possible to conceive of a more attractive manufac- 
turing city than Lowell. The wide, full, clear, and quick-flowing 
Merrimac, together with its tributary, the Concord, and the canals 
add much to its beauty and attractiveness. These water powers 
have also served to concentrate the mills in the central parts of 
the city, with the result that, instead of being unduly scattered, 
and presenting the appearance of a city which has vastly outgrown 
its municipal resources, and consequently suffered municipal 
neglect, like Fall Eiver, Lowell is compact, and gives one the 
impression that its municipality has it well in hand. Its principal 
streets are as fine and as uniformly well built as any of the best 
streets in Manchester or Liverpool. 

All these larger Massachusetts towns have their own indivi- 
duality and their own characteristics. Some features are common 
to all of them. In all of them the school houses are among the 
finest buildings in the city, and in each there is a magnificent 
public library. The libraries at Lowell and Fall Eiver would do 
credit to Manchester or Liverpool. I am familiar with the public 
libraries in more than a score of the larger American cities — from 
Boston to Baltimore, and from Xew York to St. Louis — but I 
never visited a library which was better planned or better equipped 
for its work than that at Lowell. It is an art gallery and a public 
library combined. All the Xew England manufacturing towns 
have a great belief in their future. Their past justifies this belief, 
and in no way is this confidence in their future better shown than 
in the magnificent scale on which their public libraries are built. 
These buildings give a metropolitan air to the cities. That at Fall 
Eiver, more than any other building except, perhaps, the Post 
Office, relieves the city from the provincialism which otherwise 
stamps it. 

When one inquires into the history of these library buildings 
he learns that in them has gone some of the wealth which has been 
made in the city. They represent some part of the many fortunes 
which have been accumulated in the local industries. Few of the 
New England manufacturing towns can complain that their 
wealthy residents ignore the claims of the communities in which 
they have enriched themselves. These public gifts take various 
forms. Public libraries are the most common and obvious. At 
New Bedford, one family, which had enriched itself in the cotton 
trade, made a gift of £20,000 towards the cost of extending and 
perfecting the municipal water supply ; and Fall Eiver has a 
drinking fountain erected at the expense, as a quaint inscription 
tells, of one of its former residents who "as a boy footed it to the 
music of the factory bell." 



206 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

There is an excellent service of electric street cars in all the 
larger New England towns. The lines extend all over the cities, 
and often reach out to neighbouring towns twelve or fifteen miles 
away. These outstretching lines add much to the importance of 
the cities. They serve to concentrate in them the retail trade of the 
outlying country, as well as to give the residents of the smaller 
places many of the social and educational advantages of the city. 
Eural life, as well as city life, is greatly benefited from the social 
and economic changes which the coming of the trolley car is so 
rapidly bringing about. 

In cities like those I have been describing, containing large 
industrial populations which have emigrated from Lancashire, it is 
natural to ask whether the Co-operative movement has obtained 
any hold. I recently made some inquiries on this subject, but 
could not find that there were any Co-operative Stores or that 
there had ever been any. The nearest to them was what were 
called "dividing clubs." These existed for some years among the 
cotton mill operatives ; but they never got much beyond what may 
be described as the wheelbarrow stage, that which marked the 
early days of the movement at Eochdale, and which so soon gave 
way to Co-operative Stores on a larger and more permanent scale. 
I sought out a member of one of the Fall Eiver dividing clubs. 
He told me how the club had been worked — how one of the 
members was deputed to go regularly to Providence and buy at 
wholesale, and how the division of these purchases was subse- 
quently made. It was the early Eochdale plan over again. 
When I asked him why the clubs had not been continued, and the 
clubs taken a more permanent form, he replied, " The department 
stores came into Fall Eiver. They cut retail prices down to a fine 
point, and it was not worth while competing against them." 

The department stores are now general throughout the United 
States. Their beginnings date back ten or twelve years. At first, 
the stores were established only in the larger cities, such as New 
York and Boston ; but in the last few years the department store 
has made its appearance in every city of forty or fifty inhabitants. 
This new departure in retail trade methods stands out as one of 
the prominent economic developments in the United States 
during the last decade. It was only in its infancy when the 
electric car began to replace the horse car in the early nineties, 
and when street railways began to be pushed ten or twenty miles 
beyond the municipal limits. 

Electric roads have enormously cheapened travel between the 
smaller villages and the larger towns. They have also quickened 
it, and made it much more pleasant than travel by railway or 
by horse vehicles. In New England these electric roads parallel 



207 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

the railways, and the country is so interlaced with them that it is 
possible to travel the breadth of a State without using the railways. 
The electric lines have drawn traffic so largely from the railways 
that some of the New England companies have laid a third rail 
down the middle of their roadbeds for the conveyance of electricity, 
and on lines so equipped they have put on cars propelled by 
electricity, like those used on the electric railways. These 
changes in the methods of traction have doubled and trebled 
local travel, and brought the people from the villages and small 
towns into a quick, easy, and cheap communication with the cities. 

The development of the department store has gone on side by 
side with this development in travel. The one development has 
helped the other, and the net result has been that the methods 
of retail trade have been completely revolutionised. The depart- 
ment stores are usually in the hands of large capitalists. They 
occupy the most prominent sites in all the retail centres of the 
cities. They handle all goods except meat, fish, and vegetables. 
They advertise continuously, largely, and systematically. Their 
advertisements are the most prominent in all the daily newspapers. 
These stores are more like Eastern bazaars or English markets 
than ordinary retail shops. During the busy hours of the day 
they are thronged with shoppers. Their turnovers are immense, 
and goods are usually sold on such a uniformly small margin of 
profit that ordinary single line traders, doing only a small business, 
are not able to withstand the competition. In all the large cities 
scores of the old-fashioned single-line traders have been driven to 
the wall. These men and storekeepers in the rural villages in 
many of the States have petitioned the Legislatures to protect 
them from the department stores ; and the rural shopkeepers have 
even objected to the Legislatures granting charters to electric 
railways because they carry out people who should be their cus- 
tomers to the cities and to the department stores. 

Many of the Legislatures have passed laws imposing extra 
taxes on stores in which more than a given number of classes 
of goods are sold ; but none of these enactments have served to 
check the movement or furnish any adequate permanent protec- 
tion to the smaller tradesmen. Manufacturers of such goods as 
bicycles, pianos, and type-writers in their turn have combined to 
prevent their goods from getting into the stores, and so to protect 
the single-line traders and commission agents through whom they 
hitherto have made their sales. These endeavours, like those of 
the State Legislatures, have in the end come to naught, because 
the department stores in their turn have combined, and when 
bicycle or piano manufacturers refused to supply them with their 
goods the department stores established factories or contracted for 



208 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

the entire output of factories already in existence. In the case of 
articles covered by patents, such as type-writers, they have set 
inventors to work, and in this way defeated the combinations of 
manufacturers . 

During six out of the last nine years the United States have 
had the highest protective tariffs in their history. Both the 
Mc.Kinley tariff of 1890 and the Dingley tariff of 1897, that now in 
operation, were dictated by the manufacturers, who had only to 
ask to have any measure of protection they desired. Notwith- 
standing this fact, retail prices for all manufactured goods during 
these years have steadily tended downwards ; and until the middle 
of 1899, when there was some advance in prices in all lines of 
hardware, due chiefly to the recent great industrial combinations, 
a dollar never went further, and prices were nearer the English 
level than at any time during my fifteen years' experience of 
American conditions. In respect to shoes, cotton goods, furniture, 
and furnishing hardware, my impression is that the American 
prices have been distinctly lower than English prices. Part of 
this reduction in retail cost may be due to better methods of 
manufacture, but most of it is due to the fact that the department 
stores, by eliminating many of the middlemen, have cut down the 
margin between the manufacturer and the consumer. 

WAGES AND WOKKING CONDITIONS. 

Wages in the Massachusetts cotton trade vary a little in the 
different towns. There are no standard lists applicable to all the 
mills. The wages paid at Fall River are the highest. In the card 
rooms, slubber tenters run one, one and a half, and two slubbers, 
and earn from seven to ten and a half dollars a week. Inter- 
mediate tenters run two intermediates, 70 to 100 spindles long, 
and earn on an average eight dollars weekly. Rovers run two 
speeders of 161 to 196 spindles, and earn from seven to eight 
dollars. Doffers are paid from three and a half to four dollars. In 
the weaving rooms the average earnings are from eight to eight 
and a half dollars for eight looms. Loom fixers' earnings in the 
mills which accept the list of the Loom Fixers' Union are a little 
over twelve dollars a week. 

Since 1896 automatic looms have been in use in some of the 
mills in Fall River, and in other of the Massachusetts towns. 
Throughout New England about 20,000 of these looms are now at 
work. In mills where these looms are installed weavers attend to 
as many as twenty-four of them, and are paid day wages. On 
eighteen looms the pay in Fall River is nine dollars a week; for 
twentv-four, ten dollars a week. 



' 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


THE 


COTTON MILL TOWNS 




v 

NEW ENGLAND. 




ILLUSTRATION OF HOPPER ACTION (OTHER PARTS OF LOOM IN OUTLINE). 




AUTOMATIC LOOM. 



209 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

The labour saving in these is effected by two distinct devices. 
There is a filling charger which automatically replenishes the filling 
supply in the shuttle, and a warp stop motion designed to protect 
the cloth from damage. By the use of these devices the looms 
need much less care from the weavers than the ordinary style of 
looms. About twenty-five cop carriers are loaded into the revolving 
head of the loom, and when so charged the loom will go for hours 
without further attention from the weaver unless a thread breaks. 
Then attention is called to the breakage by the automatic stopping 
of the loom. 

There is a story current in the Massachusetts cotton towns, 
which had its origin at a meeting of the New England Cotton 
Mill Superintendents' Association in 1899, that a room full of 
these automatic looms was left at the dinner hour. All the 
looms were going when the door was locked. An hour later, when 
the door was opened, 70 per cent of them were still going, and 
making good cloth. The other 30 per cent had come to a 
stand when threads had broken. I have not been able to trace 
this statement back to the particular mill where the experiment 
was tried, but no one who has seen the automatic loom at work 
will be disposed to dispute the probability of some such result from 
such an experiment. Mill superintendents, trade union officials, 
and textile school instructors all admit that before long the auto- 
matic loom must work great changes in the production of such 
goods as print cloths and sheetings ; while the inventors of the 
two devices, the revolving head and the stop-gear, assert that the 
only department of the trade to which their appliances are not yet 
adaptable is the manufacture of fabrics which must be woven 
without the chance of a mispick, as the refilling mechanism, as now 
devised, does not change the filling at the exact moment of expira- 
tion. The pictures of the automatic loom which accompany this 
article will give a good general idea of its mechanism. The change 
of filling is made by inserting a cop carrier in the shuttle and 
threading the shuttle automatically, instead of changing the shuttle 
itself. This change of filling is brought about by a transferring 
device, controlled from the weft fork, which puts a new supply of 
filling into the shuttle, and at the same time throws out the empty 
carrier. A new filling supply is introduced, whether the filling 
yarn is exhausted or broken. 

The invention of the automatic filling changer had to be followed 
by the invention of an automatic stop-gear if the automatic filler 
was to be successfully applied. The stop-gear is worked by means 
of a series of drop-wires through which the warp yarn is drawn 
before or after leaving the harness eye. It is so devised that the 
breakage of any thread causes the instantaneous stopping of the 

15 



210 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

loom. The two appliances which thus go to the construction of 
the automatic loom are covered by nearly thirty patents. It is 
claimed for the loom that it so greatly reduces the work of the 
weaver that one weaver can attend to as many as thirty-two looms. 
The day wages scale in Fall River is, however, based, as I have 
stated, on the care of twenty-four or eighteen looms, and I could 
not learn of any mill in Massachusetts in which the automatic 
loom is installed in which one weaver attends to more than twenty- 
four looms. 

The loom has encountered no opposition from trade unions. 
The conditions attending its introduction have been not unlike 
those attending the introduction of the linotype into the newspaper 
offices in England. In the case of the linotype, the users of the 
machine assigned a part of the saving due to it to the operators 
working the linotype. In this way a newspaper compositor who 
left his case for a linotype was enabled to earn a larger wage than 
at the case. In the same way the weavers who are now in charge 
of the automatic loom are earning higher wages than they could 
earn on the old style of looms. It is doubtful whether this 
higher pay will be continued when the automatic loom comes into 
more general use. It is worth recording, however, that in the 
earlier years of the new invention some of its advantages went to 
the operatives who worked it. 

No textile State has a shorter working week than Massachusetts. 
The hours fixed by law for women and minors are fifty-eight a 
week. The shortest working week in the United States is in New 
Jersey. There it is fifty-six hours, .but New Jersey has 
practically no textile industries, certainly no cotton manufacturing 
worth mentioning, and the Massachusetts working week is shorter 
by two hours than the working week of the neighbouring cotton 
manufacturing States of Vermont, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, 
and Connecticut. 

In Fall River, and in most of the other Massachusetts cotton 
towns, work begins at half-past six in the morning, and continues 
until six in the evening, with only one break of an hour — from 
twelve to one o'clock — for dinner. On Saturday the mills stop at 
noon. There are half a dozen National and State holidays in the 
course of a year. Some of these occur in the middle of the week. 
None of them extend over more than one day, and there are no 
full week's holidays such as there are in most of the Lancashire 
towns, when the cotton towns are half emptied and the workpeople 
at the seaside. "There is no week at Blackpool or at the Isle of 
Man for the cotton operatives here," as a Fall River spinner from 
Lancashire expressed it to me; "no week when everybody is 
playing." 



211 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

But while there are no general stoppages, such as there are in 
Lancashire, the workpeople take weeks off every now and again, 
especially in the summer time, when the weather is intensely hot, 
and when work in the mills is exceedingly trying and exhausting. 
It is then so exhausting that even the strongest and most frugally 
inclined of the operatives cannot remain steadily at work for longer 
than seven or eight weeks at a stretch. Then, as my informant 
phrased it, "they loaf for three or four days or a week." This 
system of taking half a week or a week's rest is recognised by the 
mill superintendents, and labour conditions have adapted themselves 
to it. I asked a weaver how these weeks off were managed. He 
replied, "There is always plenty of help in the entry.*' He meant 
by this that there are always a number of men and women in the 
tower rooms waiting for either temporary or permanent work. If 
a weaver who is regularly employed desires to rest a few days, he 
goes into the entry and obtains a substitute. The substitute's 
name is entered on the books in the office. If he is employed for 
a full week, he receives all that there is coming from the looms. 
If his employment does not extend to a week he is paid day wages 
by the man for whom he is substituting. He receives this day 
wage through the office, and the amount is deducted from what is 
due to the weaver who is regularly employed. 

Generally speaking, the relationship between the mill superin- 
tendents and overseers and the workpeople is much easier than it 
is in the Lancashire mills, so much so that new-comers from Lan- 
cashire are often surprised at the way in which the workpeople 
come and go without any permission from the overseers in charge 
of the room, and yet retain their places. The drive in the mills 
is perhaps harder than it is in Lancashire ; but this drawback is 
partly offset by the easier conditions of employment. This is true 
of all industrial life in the United States. 

There is not the distance between employer and employed that 
there is in England. Few American employers consider that they 
are doing a man a favour by giving him work, or that a man is 
under any obligation to them because they have given him work. 
The employe fully realises that if the employer does not give the 
work to him he will have to give it to some other man; and he 
realises* too, that the relationship existing between him and his 
employer is mutually advantageous to both. There is a large 
degree of equality between employer and employed in most 
American factories and workshops, and with this equality there 
is an interchange of ideas and suggestions — an interchange which 
in many departments of industrial life is to the advantage of the 
industry, and. tends also to the development of the individuality of 
the workman. . 



212 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 



TBADE UNIONISM. 

Trade unionism in the cotton industry in Fall Eiver in 1899 is 
in a better position than it has ever been ; but from the first it has 
had an uphill fight, and the proportion of trade unionists even now, 
when trade unionism is most nourishing, is not so great as it is in 
Lancashire. What the proportions are may be judged from the 
fact that not more than three thousand out of the eight thousand 
weavers at Fall Eiver are in the union. The oldest of the unions 
dates from the later fifties, but none of them have a continuous 
history going as far back as that period. Most of them have had 
their seasons of great depression and weakness, and at several 
periods in their history they have all been confronted with empty 
treasuries. 

This was the fate of the Weavers' Union during the season of 
low prices for cotton cloth and low wages for operatives, which 
lasted from about 1894 until the end of 1898. When this depres- 
sion began the Weavers' Union saw that lower wages were 
inevitable unless they could take some steps to ward off a reduction. 
They conceived the idea that if the mills were closed for a month 
there would be a reduction in the stocks of cotton cloth with which 
the market was overburdened. Accordingly, when the mill com- 
panies proposed a reduction of 15 per cent, the union called out 
its operatives for a month. But this stoppage was confined to Fall 
Eiver. In the other New England centres of the trade the mills 
went on manufacturing, and the stoppage at Fall Eiver had no 
appreciable effect on the market. 

At the end of the month the mill companies refused to open the 
mills for another month, and then only at the reduction which had 
been proposed. The weavers held out for another two weeks after 
the second month was up. By this time the money available for 
strike pay was gone, and the operatives had to submit to the 
15 per cent reduction, which was followed a few months later 
by another reduction of 10 per cent. 

The beginning of this depression was in 1892. In that year 
the highest price for print cloths was 4^ cents and the lowest 
3_i_ cents. In 1893 the lowest price was 2f cents; in 1894, 
2f cents; in 1895, 2 T \ cents; in 1896, 2^ cents; in 1897, 
2^ cents ; while during the summer months of 1898 the price had 
fallen as low as If cents, and in this year, out of the forty-one mill 
corporations in Fall Eiver, twenty paid no dividends; and the 
average dividend on the $25,000,000 embarked in the cotton trade 
was not more than 2 per cent, and would have been lower than 
this but for the dividends of the mills which have specialities, 
and which escaped the depression in the print cloth market. 






213 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

This period of depression promises to leave a permanent and 
peculiar mark on the history of the Fall River trade. When things 
were at the worst, and when cotton cloth was selling at below two 
cents a yard, the mill treasurers and the banking companies 
concerned in the print cloth trade got together and organised a 
trust of a character quite new even in the country which has given 
birth to the trusts. They chose seven of their number to act as 
trustees, and two others to act as a selling committee. The mills 
with print cloths on hand turned over the stocks absolutely to 
the trustees, and thereafter, instead of each mill treasurer sending 
to market the product of his own mill, and competing with the 
treasurers of the neighbouring mills in order to effect sales at any 
price, the stocks and product of more than fifty mills were all sold 
through the selling committee acting in association with the 
trustees under the pooling agreement. 

The plan was perfected in November, 1898. About this time 
trade all over the United States began to be more active and 
prosperous, and, as stocks of cotton goods in the hands of retailers 
were low, the selling committee was able to give a dead lift to the 
prices for cotton cloth, and at one move to put them back from a 
fractional point below two cents to 2-| cents, almost back to where 
the prices stood in 1894. This Fall River trust differs from most 
American trusts in that there was no interference with the capital 
stocks of the various mill corporations, and no interference with 
the individual management of each mill except as regards the 
marketing of the product. It was a temporary expedient. The 
first organisation was intended to continue only until the end of 
February, 1899 ; but it has been continued through 1899, and 
may at any time take a more permanent form. 

The experiment was watched with intense interest all over the 
country, but by none with more interest than by the trade union 
leaders at Fall River. They waited until the improved prices for 
print cloths seemed to be assured and permanent, and then put 
in demands for a return of some part of the 25 per cent 
reduction to which the operatives had had to submit in the period 
when prices were tending so steadily downwards and touching the 
lowest points in the history of the trade. The demands were well 
timed. The mill companies were anxious to have no stoppages 
when the market was tending upwards, and after one conference, 
which did not occupy more than a couple of hours, a 10 per cent 
advance was conceded, and new life was infused into all the cotton 
trade unions at Fall River. 

Even with trade at its best, however, the organisation of unions 
in a cosmopolitan mill population such as that in Fall River 
presents obstacles unknown to trade union leaders in homogeneous 



214 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

industrial communities like those of Lancashire. Six thousand of 
the cotton mill operatives at Fall Eiver are French-Canadians, and 
these French-Canadians are not all permanent residents there. 
They are coming and going as trade fluctuates, for as soon as work 
becomes a little difficult to find the French-Canadian goes back to 
the old French Province. Many of them return, irrespective of 
good or bad times in the cotton trade, when they have accumulated 
a little money. 

Most of the French-Canadians come from rural Quebec, where 
there is little money. They are altogether unaccustomed to in- 
dustrial conditions, and it is extremely difficult to instil into them 
the advantages of industrial combination, especially when to obtain 
these prospective advantages they have to contribute ten or fifteen 
cents a week to the treasury of a trade union. 

The organisers of the trade unions at Fall River are all Lanca- 
shire men, or Irishmen who have worked in Lancashire and been 
identified with trade unionism there. Various special efforts have 
been made to bring the French-Canadians into the unions. French- 
Canadian lawyers have been employed to address meetings of 
French-Canadians in behalf of unionism. French-Canadian 
organisers have been sought out and engaged. But in spite of 
these, and other special efforts, the French-Canadians come but 
slowly into the unions, and they constitute now, as for a generation 
past, one of the greatest obstacles to trade union progress in Fall 
Eiver and the other large centres of the Massachusetts cotton trade. 
They are nearly as troublesome to the factory inspectors as to the 
trade union organisers. More than any other class in the factory 
towns they are anxious to get their children into the cotton mills, 
and have few scruples in affirming that the children are over 
fourteen — the age at which they are permitted by the school and 
factory laws to enter the mills. The operatives from Lancashire 
readily join the unions, and the British-born population of Massa- 
chusetts forms the backbone of these organisations at Fall Eiver 
and in the other cities such as Lowell and Bedford. 

The trade unions have had a more successful part in politics in 
Massachusetts than in any other State. The Legislature is elected 
every year, and for many years past it has seldom been without 
two or three members who owed their election to the trade union 
vote. For several sessions Mr. Eobert Howard, a Lancashire man, 
who was secretary of the Spinners' Union from 1878 to 1897, and 
who is the historian of trade unionism in Fall Eiver, was a member 
of the Senate of the Massachusetts State Legislature, and to him 
more than to any other man is due the fact that the Massachusetts 
factory code has kept pace with the advance of English factory 
legislation. 



215 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

The use to which votes can thus be put, together with the 
active interest which the industrial portion of the population of 
Fall River takes in municipal politics, accounts in a great degree 
for the promptness with which new-comers from Lancashire take out 
letters of naturalisation and become American citizens. English- 
men in the United States are usually the most tardy of all nationali- 
ties in taking the steps necessary for American citizenship. At 
Fall River, however, clubs are organised to help new-comers to take 
out their naturalisation papers ; and new-comers from England, 
who have any idea of remaining long, are soon marching to the 
polls and taking part in ward primaries as full-fledged American 
citizens. 

MUNICIPAL POLITICS. 

Municipal politics in Fall River have not much resemblance to 
municipal politics in England. The democracy is in complete 
control. To be an alderman or a member of the City Council, a 
candidate must live in the ward he desires to represent, and, as the 
cotton mill treasurers and superintendents live in the residential 
avenues of the city, few of them can possibly be elected either to 
the Board of Aldermen or to the City Council. Capital has 
consequently much less voice and influence in Fall River than in 
the Lancashire manufacturing towns, and most of the members of 
the municipal bodies owe their election to the industrial vote. All 
the municipal officers are chosen by the Board of Aldermen and 
the City Council by joint ballot, and in consequence much of the 
activity of municipal politics centres about the offices. 

The mill companies carry nearly half of the municipal burdens of 
Fall River. The word "rates" is unknown in American municipal 
phraseology. All contributions, either to the municipality or to 
the State, are known as taxes. The mill companies are taxed both 
by the municipality and the State — by the municipality on the 
property value of the mills, and by the State on a certain propor- 
tion of their capital stock. The municipal assessors are appointed 
in the way already described — by the Board of Aldermen and the 
City Council. The State assessors are appointed by the Governor. 
The municipal assessors, of whom there are three, hold office for 
three years, and receive a salary of SI, 500 a year. The tax rate is 
at so much a thousand dollars of capital value, and includes 
charges for schools and for the maintenance of the poor, as well as 
all the municipal charges. In 1899 the rate was S 17.80 per 
thousand dollars; in 1890 it was S16.40 ; in 1880 S18.00 ; and 
in 1870 S15.30, figures which show that the general tendency 
of the expenses of local government is to mount upwards in the 
manufacturing communities of the United States much in the 
same way as in England. 



216 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

To illustrate the working of the assessment system at Fall 
Eiver, I will take the case of the largest mill corporation in the 
city, the Fall Eiver Iron Works, a corporation which owns four 
mills, which was organised as far back as 1825, which employs 
2,700 operatives, which has a pay roll of $17,000 a week, and 
whose output of print cloths and wide goods is about 1,170,000 
yards a year. All the cotton mills at Massachusetts are assessed 
under the same system as those at Fall Eiver. The mills are 
assessed for local taxation (1) on the value of the site, (2) on the 
value of the mill buildings, and (3) on the value of the spindles, 
the looms, and the machinery generally. In the case of the Fall 
Eiver Iron Works Company, which, in its four cotton mills, has 
226,000 frame spindles and 7,552 looms, the assessment in the tax 
books for 1899 stands thus : — 

8 

Machinery 2,125,000 

Mill Buildings 650,000 

Land 117,800 

Total 2,892,800 

So that the municipal taxation of this company, its contribution to 
the lighting, improvement, and policing of the city, to the schools 
and to the cost of the maintenance of the poor, at the rate of 
$17.80 for each thousand dollars of the valuation, amounts to 
$51,471.84, or, in round figures in English currency, £10,300. 

In a case like this, where the municipal valuation exceeds the 
capitalisation of the company, no direct State tax is paid. The 
State tax, known in Massachusetts as the franchise tax, is charge- 
able only on the difference between the municipal assessment and 
the sum at which the company is capitalised in those cases where 
the capitalisation is in excess of the assessment. 

Taxing power in the United States is exercised by three distinct 
authorities — the Municipal Government, the State Government, and 
the Federal Government. There are no direct Federal taxes ; but 
the cotton mill company pays duties on any machinery, cotton, or 
yarn it may import ; and under the Federal War Tax of 1898, like 
any other industrial concern, a cotton mill company pays stamp 
duties on cheques and other descriptions of commercial paper. It 
should be added that in valuing the land, the mill buildings, and 
machinery, for municipal taxation, the Massachusetts courts have 
held that " each of these items should be valued as it is used in 
connection with others." 

Several of the older Fall Eiver mills abut on the principal 
streets, and the local assessors formerly took the position that 
these sites should be valued at what they would sell for were the 



217 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

mills removed. One of the mill companies protested against this 
method of valuation. It took its protest to the courts, the case 
vent in its favour, and the judges laid down the rule as to valua- 
tion which has been quoted. In Massachusetts, as all over the 
United States, all taxes are assessed on the capital value of the 
property, and are paid by owners, not by occupiers. The only tax 
paid by non-property owners is the poll tax, paid by men. In 
Massachusetts this tax is one dollar a year, and a man must have 
paid his poll tax before he can vote at any election. 

THE FACTORY CODE. 

As was stated at the outset of this article, the factory code of 
Massachusetts is the most advanced of any of the American States, 
and, moreover, it is better and more uniformly administered than 
the factory code of any other State. There are no half-timers, and 
never have been any. The age at which children can go into the 
mills is now fourteen. If boys and girls who go into the mills at 
fourteen are illiterates, the law makes the mill superintendents 
responsible for their attendance at night school until they are 
sixteen. Certificates of attendance have to be periodically pro- 
duced, and if a mill company employs minors without these 
certificates it is liable to a penalty. Except as regards the French- 
Canadians, there is little antagonism to these school laws, which 
are loyally accepted by the parents and mill superintendents. 

As a rule children in America are treated easily with regard to 
work. The Italians and the French-Canadians are usually eager 
to get their children to work, but not much of this eagerness is 
shown by people of American origin or by the Irish-Americans. 
As may be judged by the wages paid to doffer boys in the Fall 
River mills, children leaving school at fourteen earn much larger 
wages than are paid children of the same age in Lancashire mills. 
The fact that there are no half-timers is among the reasons 
accounting for the higher pay received by children when they go 
into the mills. 

As in England, there is no legal limit to the hours which may 
be worked by men. The factory code, so far as hours of work is 
concerned, is based upon laws applicable to minors and women. 
These cannot be employed in any manufacturing or mechanical 
establishment for more than ten hours a day, except in the case 
of a breakdown, or when a different apportionment of the hours 
of labour is made for the purpose of making a shorter day's work 
on one day in the week. In no case can the hours exceed fifty-eight 
a week. When there has been a breakdown, the time lost may be 
made good provided that it is over thirty minutes, but only during 
the same week, and only after a written report of the day and hour 



218 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

of the occurrence of the breakdown with its duration has been 
made to the local factory inspectors. Minors and women can be 
employed up to as late as ten o'clock at night. 

The Employers' Liability Law is much stricter in Massachusetts 
than in most of the States, for the factory code contains a clause 
which abrogates the doctrine of common employment and prohibits 
contracting out. "No person or corporation shall," it reads, " by 
a special contract with persons in his or its employ, exempt himself 
or itself from any liability which he or it might be under to such 
persons for injuries suffered by them in their employment, and 
which result from the employers' own negligence, or from the 
negligence of other persons in his or its employ." 

As the Particulars Act of Massachusetts followed the passing 
of a similar law in England, it may be of value to quote it in full, 
as it shows how British factory legislation is influencing the largest 
and most prosperous of American manufacturing States. 

This Act, which was passed in 1894, and amended in 1895, 
reads : — 

The occupier or manager of every textile factory shall post in every room 
where any employes work by the job, in legible writing or printing, and in 
sufficient numbers to be easily accessible to such employes, specifications of the 
character of each kind of work to be done by them, and the rate of compensation. 
Such specifications in the case of weaving rooms shall state the intended or 
maximum length or weight of a cut or piece, the count per inch of reed, and the 
number of picks per inch, and the price per cut or piece, or per pound ; or, if 
payment is made per pick or per yard, the price per pick or per yard ; and each 
warp shall bear a designating ticket or mark of identification. In roving or 
spinning rooms the number of roving or yarn and the price per hank for each 
size of machine shall be stated ; and each machine shall bear a ticket stating 
the number of the roving or yarn made upon it. 

As yet Massachusetts has no law regulating steaming in the 
weaving rooms, but the factory inspectors check the excessive use 
of steam under the general clauses in the factory code dealing with 
the ventilation and the sanitary condition of the mills. 

In some particulars the Massachusetts code is more comprehen- 
sive than the English code. The inspectors have large powers in 
connection with the sanitary arrangements of the mills and factories. 
They have also some oversight of retail business stores. The law 
compels storekeepers to furnish seats for the women employes, and 
it is the duty of the inspectors to see that seats are provided. 
Under the Massachusetts code, tenement-house-made goods have 
to be so labelled. All ready-made coats, vests, trousers, or over- 
coats made up in a tenement house used as a factory must have 
affixed to each garment a tag or label, not less than two inches in 
length and one inch in width, setting out where the garment was 
made. This law applies to garments made elsewhere than in 
Massachusetts which are offered for sale at retail in the State. 



219 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

Stationary engineers and firemen are also licensed by the factory 
inspectors. Before a man can take charge of an engine or a boiler 
in a mill he must be in possession of a certificate obtained after an 
examination by one of the inspectors of factories. It is further 
part of the duty of the factory inspectors' department — the Depart- 
ment of State Police, as it is called — to inspect all boilers not 
insured by the boiler inspection and boiler insurance companies. 
The inspection by these companies is recognised by the law as 
adequate. The object of the Act throwing boiler inspection on the 
State police is to ensure safety in connection with boilers which do 
not come within the purview of the inspectors of the insurance 
companies. This Act was passed only as recently as 1898. The 
need of it was soon shown when the State police began their in- 
spection, for during the first year of the operation of the Act 1,961 
boilers were inspected and repairs had to be ordered in respect of 
1,133 of them. 

The code, the main features of which have been summarised, is 
both drastic and comprehensive. It protects the workpeople in 
their economic relations with their employers quite as much as the 
English code does, and in regard to safety goes some distance 
beyond the English code. In recent years, since the States in the 
South began to compete with New England in the cotton trade, 
manufacturers have complained that it was too drastic. In par- 
ticular they have complained of the fifty-eight hours working week 
and of the Employers' Liability Law. They laid their complaints 
before the Legislature in 1898, but public opinion supports the code 
as it now exists. It is conceded that it is in advance of the codes of 
the neighbouring New England States which are largely engaged 
in cotton manufacture. It is, however, under this code that 
Massachusetts has achieved its supremacy in the cotton trade, in 
the shoe trade, and in other lines of industry, and even during -the 
great depression from 1893 to 1898 public opinion in Massachusetts 
would sanction no retrograde steps in factory legislation. Even as 
late as 1898, when the condition of the cotton trade was at its 
worst, the Legislature passed an Act prohibiting the mill companies 
from making deductions from the wages of workpeople paid by 
the day when the machinery was stopped owing to breakdowns in 
cases where the workpeople were detained in the mills while the 
machinery was being repaired. 

The factory inspectors are appointed by the Governor of the 
State, and hold office for three years. As two-thirds of them are 
veterans of the Civil War of 1861-65, they cannot be dismissed 
without cause — that is, they cannot be turned out of office merely 
because the politicians want the places for other men. The Federal 
Government in its civil service gives a preference to veterans of 



220 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

the War. So do many of the State Governments ; and in the case 
of Massachusetts veterans not only have a preference in the civil 
service, but are protected in the tenure of their offices. There are 
admittedly some objections to the working of these preference and 
tenure of office laws ; but as regards the State police these laws 
give the factory inspectors a permanence of tenure and an indepen- 
dence in the discharge of their duties which are helpful in securing 
a due and uniform administration of the factory code. 

Offending employers are summoned before what are known as 
the District Courts, not as in England before magistrates, with 
whom the offending employer may be in daily business and social 
contact. Massachusetts is one of the few States in which the 
judges are not elected by popular vote. They are all appointed by 
the Governor, and in the case of the judges who deal with 
offences against the factory code the tenure of office is seven years. 

The factory inspectors work to some extent in association with 
the trade union officials. Generally speaking, there is little friction 
in the administration of the factory laws. Mill superintendents 
occasionally crib time, as they do in Lancashire — the cribbing in 
Massachusetts mills usually taking place between six and half -past 
six in the morning. Half -past six is the usual hour for commencing 
work. When work is pressing, or when a mill superintendent is 
driven, the practice is to start work ten minutes or a quarter of an 
hour earlier than usually. To convict a mill superintendent of 
this offence the factory inspector has to be an eye-witness of the 
cribbing. Taking the mill superintendents as a class, however, 
they are loyal to the factory code, and it is not set at naught, 
as the code is in many States where little more than a pretence 
is made of factory inspection. 

Massachusetts has long ranked high among the law-abiding 
commonwealths of the United States. This is soon evident to a 
sojourner in Massachusetts who has been about much in other 
States. There are many reminders of it. One of the most 
pleasant is the general attitude of the mill superintendents towards 
the factory code. When one discusses it with mill superintendents, 
their attitude seems to be that they have no particular objection to 
the code, but that they would like to see similar codes equally well 
administered in the other textile States with which they have to 
compete. 

TECHNICAL EDUCATION. 

While the cotton industry in Massachusetts has kept pace with 
Lancashire in mechanical improvement and development, and in 
improvements such as the automatic loom has even gone in 
advance of Lancashire, and while the State Legislature of Massa- 



221 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

chusetts has kept pace with the British Parliament in factory 
legislation, in one department of industrial development Massachu- 
setts is distinctly behind Lancashire. Textile Schools there are as 
vet only in their infancy. In 1899 there are only two Textile 
Schools in the whole of New England — one established by the 
State and municipality at Lowell, and the second, a much smaller 
school, established by the Loom Fixers' Union at Fall River. Up 
to 1897 nothing had been done in the direction of establishing 
Textile Schools in Massachusetts, and the only Textile School in 
the United States was that at Philadelphia. 

The new competition with the South is to some extent respon- 
sible for the attention which in the last three years has been given 
to Textile Schools in Massachusetts. When it was realised that the 
South must more and more encroach on the old position of New 
England, as far as the manufacture of the coarse grades of cotton 
goods is concerned, and when it was seen that the New England 
mills must of necessity push into the finer grades, Lowell began to 
bestir itself in the interests of textile education. On the initiative 
of Mr. James T. Smith, the Secretary of the local Chamber of 
Commerce, the Lowell mill treasurers and superintendents 
organised themselves and subscribed the nucleus of a fund for 
establishing a Textile School. 

The ideal would have been to establish one large school to serve 
for the whole of the State of Massachusetts, and while locating it 
at Lowell to make it a department of the famous School of 
Technology of Boston. But aid from the Legislature was necessary, 
and when the plan was discussed the other large cotton manufac- 
turing centres put in their claims. They were not willing to have 
one school to serve for the whole of the State. Each of the large 
cotton centres desired a Textile School of its own. The result was 
that the Legislature passed a general Act, appropriating §25,000 for 
a Textile School in any city in which there are 450,000 or more 
spindles. The Act was intended to apply to Fall River, Lowell, 
New Bedford, and Lawrence. It was a condition of these grants 
from the State Treasury that the municipalities should contribute 
$25,000 each to the schools. Lowell was ready to avail itself of 
this Act as soon as it was passed, and by February, 1897, a school 
had been established temporarily in a warehouse building, thirty 
instructors had been engaged, and 237 students had entered for the 
three years' course. 

The school is thoroughly well equipped with the necessary 
machinery for cotton, silk, woollen, and carpet manufacturing. 
Most of the machinery w T as given by the manufacturers of it. The 
equipment in the cotton department is especially complete. It 
begins with the cotton gin used on the cotton plantations in the 



222 



THE COTTON MILL TOWNS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

South, and includes the new machines used for mercerising and the 
automatic loom. In Lowell it is claimed for the school that it has 
a more extensive equipment of machinery and plant than any other 
existing Textile School, whether in the United States or in Europe. 
There are both day and evening classes. The evening classes are 
for the operatives who are at work in the mills. The fees for day 
students are £20 a year. The evening school is free. New Bed- 
ford was the second cotton city to avail itself of the grant from the 
State Legislature. Its school began its work in the autumn of 
1899. At that time Fall River and Lawrence were only organising 
their schools. 

The school established by the Loom Fixers' Union at Fall River 
is noteworthy as being the first endeavour on the part of a trade 
union in the United States to give its members an opportunity of 
perfecting themselves in their craft. The Loom Fixers raised the 
money for the equipment of their school partly by a bazaar and 
partly by contributions from the mill companies, which gave a very 
cordial support to the scheme. Experts were engaged by the 
union, and during the winter of 1898-99, the first season in which 
the school was opened, thirty-seven of the union members attended 
the classes. It took much tact and energy on the part of the local 
secretary of the union to get the school started. Some of the 
members were jealous of their own knowledge of what they 
regarded as trade secrets, and were not enthusiastic concerning the 
project. It was, however, successfully launched, and as a new 
departure in trade unionism attracted much attention all over New 
England. 

Another fact about the New England Textile Schools is 
significant. The instructors both in the Lowell and the Fall 
River schools include men who have gone through the Textile 
Schools of Lancashire and Yorkshire. New England, as yet, is 
admittedly behind Lancashire in textile education ; but, now that 
the movement has been seriously taken in hand, it will differ from 
most other American educational movements if it is not soon put 
in line with the best that exists, either in Lancashire or in the 
great textile centres of France and Germany. 

Farmington, Conn., 1899. 




223 



Association versus Competition: 

J\ Chapter in Social economic Ristorp. 



BY HENRY W. MACROSTY, B.A. 



I.— 1776-1850. 




BEFORE COMPETITION. 

H§E HE essence of the industrial revolution is the substi- 
tution of competition for the mediaeval regulations 
which had previously controlled the production and 
distribution of wealth.'"-" Society in the Middle Ages 
consisted of rigidly-defined classes, each rank depen- 
dent on the one immediately above, until finally it 
was the duty of the Crown not only to maintain social distinctions, 
but to guard the welfare of all its subordinates. This theory was 
codified in the Statute of Apprentices (5 Eliz., c. 4, and 1 James I., 
c. 6), which confined the practice of any trade to those who had 
served seven years' apprenticeship, fixed a minimum working day 
of twelve hours, and established a maximum of remuneration, to be 
assessed periodically by the magistrates, so as to yield a " convenient 
proportion of wages." The workers, though thus secured in their 
livelihood, occupied a quasi-servile position, which was intensified 
when their freedom of movement was curtailed to suit the pro- 
visions of the old Poor Law. The settled policy as regards masters 
was to discourage the development of manufacture on a large 
scale ; the staple woollen industry, for example, being closely 
regulated as to the number of looms in an establishment, the 
proportion of apprentices, the quality and size of the cloth. Pro- 
duction, prices, and the division of the product were alike governed 
by privilege and custom. Further restrictions on trade were 
introduced by statesmen imbued with the "mercantile theory" of 

* -Arnold Toynbee, " The Industrial Revolution," p. 85. 



224 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION 



the 17th and 18th centuries, which had as its ohject the limitation 
of the export of native produce except in exchange for coin or 
bullion, so that the largest possible quantity of gold, the supposed 
essence of wealth, might be retained in the country. 

When the system of cottage industry began to break down 
about the middle of last century, owing to the costliness of the 
raw material and the aggregation of workers into large estab- 
lishments, the hampering effects of the old legislation became a 
grievance, and the complaints of the master classes grew in volume 
when the introduction of new machinery made production on a 
large scale possible, and the evolution of a separate merchant class 
directed special attention to foreign trade. On the other hand, 
the breakdown of the old guild system deprived the operatives of 
their means of protection, and, while the legal provisions detri- 
mental to them were strictly enforced, the justices allowed the 
fixing of wages to lapse into desuetude. The Woollen Cloth Act 
of 1756 again ordered the magisterial fixing of piecework rates, but 
this labour victory only brought about a capitalist revolt, which 
dominated Parliament for half a century. The manufacturers 
were always able to show that the export trade depended on the 
new machinery, and that that was useless without free labour. 

THE PHILOSOPHY OF COMPETITION. 

The publication of Adam Smith's " Wealth of Nations " in 1776 
supplied the masters with an economic justification of the new 
industrial policy which was proving so profitable, and they seized 
on his philosophy with eagerness. For a century economic doctrine 
was to centre round a totally new conception of the individual man, 
strongly compounded of the democratic theorising of the French 
salons and the actual development of the English manufacturer. 
The individual stood separate and apart from all other beings, self- 
sufficient for all the purposes of his life, fulfilled of all knowledge 
and wisdom to perceive wherein his true advantage lay. Self- 
interest, more or less enlightened, was his sole spur to action, and 
the only motive of which a Legislature could take account. Of such 
individuals the nation was made up ; the national interest was but 
the sum total of all the individual interests, and would reach its 
highest point when left to the free play of the contending forces. 
The business of the State was merely to keep the ring against the 
intrusion of foreign peoples, and let the combatants fight it out 
without interference. On the economic side wealth was based on 
utility, which was not a fixed quality inherent in an article, but 
depended on the number of things which would be given for it in 
a free market. Value was thus fixed by unlimited competition. 



225 



A CHAPTER IN SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY. 



Later, Kicardo, in 1817, gave a further incorporation to capitalist 
thought by elevating capital to the supreme position of the neces- 
sary precedent to production as being the fund out of which labour 
was maintained. Malthus had already, in 1798, published his 
"Law of Population" and discovered the wages fund, and it fol- 
lowed that if labour was supported out of capital and wages were 
regulated by competition, then, since population increased faster 
than the means of subsistence, wages must of scientific necessity 
sink to the bare subsistence level. Never could a political and 
economic philosophy have been discovered to suit better the re- 
quirements of the manufacturing classes of that period, for it at 
one and the same time secured them absolute freedom of action 
and reduced the working majority of the population to a condition 
of abject slavery. No wonder that it gradually won upon Parlia- 
ment until, in 1811, the victory of individualism was declared by 
the report of a Select Committee of the House of Commons that 
"no interference of the Legislature with the freedom of trade, or 
with the perfect liberty of every individual to dispose of his time 
and of his labour in the way and on the terms which he may judge 
most conducive to his own interest, can take place without violating 
general principles of the first importance to the prosperity and 
happiness of the community ; without establishing the most per- 
nicious precedent, or even without aggravating, after a very short 
time, the pressure of the general distress, and imposing obstacles 
against that distress ever being removed." The first fruit of this 
administrative Nihilism was the repeal of the wage clauses of the 
Statute of Apprentices in 1813, followed next year by the repeal of 
the apprenticeship clauses. The old mediaeval idea of the legisla- 
tive protection of the standard of life was now surrendered for the 
new doctrines of laissez faire and salvation by competition. 

COMPETITION IN INDUSTRY. 

Of the good effects of this teaching Mr. Cooke Taylor says : — :: 

The advance in material prosperity and power which the country 
immediately made under it was such as the world had never before witnessed. 
Incited by the prodigious stimulus of unfettered freedom of action, and aided 
by vast accumulations of wealth, enterprise took a thousand new and wondrous 
shapes and scored a thousand great successes. Nor was this advance confined 
only to material comforts and conveniences ; it carried with it a corresponding 
advance in civil and religious liberty, in the abolition of political disabilities 
and hereditary privileges, in the decrease of the military spirit, the reform of 
manners, and the desire for and diffusion of knowledge. It is scarcely a wonder 
then that, surveying the new world thus created (by these means principally), 
the inhabitants of it — especially if they were capitalists — should declare it very 
good, and have been difficult to convince that there was anything still wanting. 



* "Modern Factory System,"p. 257. 
_ 



226 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION '. 



Already, in 1800, the value of property in England and Wales 
was estimated at £1,-500,000,000, or three times what it had been in 
the middle of the eighteenth century. By 1812 the estimate had 
risen to £2,700,000,000 for the United Kingdom ; in 1833 it was 
£3,600,000,000; and in 1845 the income-tax figures gave it as 
£4,000,000,000. These figures are sufficiently eloquent of the 
great growth in prosperity, but the fullest development of the 
industrial revolution had taken place in the cotton industry, 
which had never been fettered by guild restriction like the woollen 
trades, and especially in the spinning branch of that industry. 
During the Great War Britain had had almost a monopoly of the 
world trade, but after the peace spinning mills arose everywhere 
on the Continent, and the pressure of this international competition 
made itself felt in the complaints of the masters, the misery of the 
workpeople, and the long business crises of the thirties and the 
forties. The result was a striving to cheapen the cost of production 
by concentrating the cotton industry in Lancashire, where climatic 
conditions were specially favourable ; by further concentration into 
larger mills driven by steam power, by technical advancement in 
dealing with raw material, and by increased use of larger and 
improved machinery requiring the substitution of adults for 
children. By these means between 1812 and 1830 the cost of 
labour in spinning was reduced by 20 per cent, and in some cases 
40 per cent. Labour troubles even contributed their share towards 
the development of industry, for to them the introduction of the 
self-actor in 1830 was undoubtedly due. Meanwhile it is worthy 
of notice that in that same year there were only at most some 
80,000 power-looms compared with 250,000 handlooms, and that 
manufacturers declared before the Committee on Manufactures in 
1833 that "handloom weavers increase and must increase." 

Successful competition depended on the reduction of cost, and 
that in turn was largely determined by the means of transport and 
communication. So long as traffic had to be conducted on roads 
which even in the end of the last century were described as 
"barbarous and execrable" trade was of necessity kept within 
narrow limits. The same spirit, therefore, which was urging on 
the development of manufacture set the best scientific brains to 
work on the problems of transit, and the outcome was our railway 
system and our steam merchant navy, the former dating from 1826 
and the latter from 1838. Progress at first was slow. By the end 
of 1842 only 1,857 miles of railway were open, while 1850 saw 
6,031 at work, and in the same period traffic receipts had trebled. 

But the principle of competition had not yet full scope. Under 
our tariff system a man was not free to buy where he pleased. The 
theory of trade favoured by the Government hampered the importa- 



227 




tion of foreign goods, and forbade the exportation of machinery 
and skilled artisans. The market for our manufactures was thereby 
severely restricted, while the Corn Laws kept up the price of food 
and kept down the efficiency of labour. The Free Trade agitation 
was, therefore, essentially a manufacturers' question, based on the 
principle that export was only possible by import, since goods in 
the long run were paid for by goods. The crusade against the 
1,500 Acts of Parliament which regulated trade went on with 
growing vigour from 1820, gathering impetus from the success it 
achieved during the reign of Mr. Huskisson at the Board of Trade 
from 1823 to 1827, when imports increased 26 per cent, and from 
the repeal of the East India Company's charter in 1834, when the 
substitution of free competition for monopoly led to the quadrupling 
of our Far Eastern trade in ten years. The repeal of the Naviga- 
tion Acts in 1822 and 1824, and the consequent admission of 
foreign ships to the same rights of trade as British vessels, was 
essentially a portion of the same struggle. Finally the fight centred 
round the Corn Laws, the manufacturers expecting that their 
abolition would put an end to the hostility of the poor to the rich 
and at the same time reduce the cost of production. The latter 
result did, indeed, follow — not, however, as was expected, by reducing 
wages, but by increasing the efficiency of the workers. It is not 
necessary for our present purposes to recapitulate the story of the 
struggle ; it is enough to point out that not till near the end of the 
first half of this century did the principle of free competition in 
trade obtain a clear field for its activity. Then it found itself 
provided with a system of machine production capable of great 
productivity, with reasonably good facilities for transit, and with a 
new State theory that foreign trade should be left to its own 
capacities free from tariffs and restrictions. 

COMPETITION IN POLITICS. 

The philosophy that every man was the best judge of his own 
interests produced in economics the theory of competition. Trans- 
ferred to the political sphere it implied that there was no need for 
a special governing caste, and no utility in class privilege. The 
middle classes scored their first victory in 1832 by the great Reform 
Act, and their second in 1835 by the reform of city government. 
The municipal corporations which had developed out of the 
mediaeval guilds had become close bodies, self-elective, and holding 
office in life-tenure. The finances were jobbed in the most scan- 
dalous fashion, and the management of town affairs neglected 
disgracefully. Many incorporated towns had dwindled down to 
mere hamlets, while the new towns which the factorv svstem had 



228 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION 



called into existence were left without any government, and 
developed a town life unsurpassed for its abominations. Parliament 
could not by a stroke of the pen sw T eep away all these evils, but it 
could provide the machinery for reform and leave full play to the 
interests of the local inhabitants. This was what the political 
philosophy of the time prescribed, and what was achieved by the 
Municipal Corporations Act of 1835. All privileges and monopolies, 
including the special trading rights enjoyed by freemen of the 
boroughs, were abolished, and the administration was entrusted to 
a corporation freely elected by the £10 householders. A tangle of 
some 200 local Acts was swept away, and means provided for the 
incorporation of new boroughs ; under these powers Manchester and 
Birmingham were incorporated in 1838, and since then about 130 
other towns have received the grant of local government. But for 
this Act and the extending Acts which followed it the great growth 
of municipal activity which has predominantly characterised the 
last fifty years would have been impossible, and it deserves a place 
as one of the most noteworthy legislative achievements of the 
century. 

THE REVERSE OF THE SHIELD. 

The work of the individualist theory in destroying privilege 
and removing the barriers to industrial revolution was of such great 
utility that it is little wonder that its defenders should have claimed 
that it had completely fulfilled their expectations. But there was 
a reverse — and a very black reverse — to the shield. It was of no 
little importance that the factory system grew up while the atten- 
tion of our statesmen was entirely directed to foreign affairs. Evils 
and defects which under other circumstances would have forced 
themselves on public notice were unobserved and unchecked, while 
the terror of the ruling classes at the excesses of the French 
Revolution caused the opposition of the workers to the new system 
to be put down as rampant folly, and all their efforts at self-defence 
to be crushed as treason to the commonwealth. Under the mis- 
taken notion that all forms of combination were equally opposed to 
freedom of contract the Combination Laws were passed in 1799, 
and the individual workmen were left helpless before their 
employers. What in theory was a free contract between equal 
powers turned out in practice to be a contract between persons 
possessed of very unequal powers of bargaining — a contract between 
greed on the one hand and starvation on the other. The first 
factory owners, too, had mostly risen from the ranks, and were 
generally men of little education and of brutal manners. Backed 
up by the economists, they set themselves to realise the principle 
of economy at all cost. 



229 



A CHAPTER IX SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY. 



Deprived of their old defences of law and custom, forbidden to 
combine for their mutual protection, oppressed by the heavy cost 
of living during the long war, the condition of the workers went on 
from bad to worse. They were loth to leave the cottage for the 
factory, and only did so when the old textile industry had been 
thoroughly disintegrated. Meanwhile the factories were staffed by 
the poorest of the poor, who could only be forced to regular labour 
by low wages. Then the men found themselves faced by the com- 
petition of their women and children. To send a child to a factory 
was esteemed a family disgrace, but the manufacturers got the 
"nimble fingers" they needed from the workhouses, and when the 
point of honour yielded to starvation the workers found that both 
for themselves and their children a totally insufficient wage-rate 
had been established. Even in 1839, according to Dr. Schulze- 
Gaevernitz, the wages of a man and his wife both engaged in the 
factory averaged 20s. a week, while 31s. was necessary to provide 
"the indispensable minimum of clothing and nourishment" for a 
family of five persons. The wages of handloom weavers fell from 
26s. 8d. per week in 1797 to 6s. Id. in 1832, and yet the com- 
petition of the power-loom was practically inoperative during that 
period. Recourse to public charity brought up remuneration to 
the bare minimum necessary to drag out a miserable existence. 

The horrors of life in the factory — its brutality, its immorality — 
have been so well burnt into the national memory, so fully 
expressed in our literature, as to need no recounting here. The 
"Cry of the Children" still rings in our ears, the sickening story 
of Robert Blincoe has not quite died out from remembrance, and 
these are typical of the period when the cash-nexus alone bound 
man to man, and the welfare of England depended on selling 
cotton a farthing an ell cheaper than any foreign country. 

More powerful, perhaps, in effecting degradation than even 
overtoil in the factory was the life in the new towns. The wretched 
pay earned by the workers made the provision of proper food a 
matter of extreme difficulty and the obtaining of proper housing 
accommodation an absolute impossibility. A standard of filth was 
established by the swarms of Irish who came over to England 
attracted by the demand for labour in the textile districts, and 
the whole of the working classes speedily sank to that level. 
Before the Act of 1835 town government practically did not exist, 
and for many years after it was passed local absorption in money- 
making created a slough of apathy from which the inhabitants could 
be only temporarily roused even by cholera visitations. The only 
law respecting drainage was the ancient and ineffective Statute 
of Sewers — 23 Henry VJJLL, c. 5 — and the poorer quarters of all 
industrial towns were a collection of abominations, amidst which 



230 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION 



herded an overworked, underpaid population. The mortality 
naturally was excessive, and, terrible as it was, it was only a 
symptom of the growing physical degeneration of the race. The 
reports of the Poor Law Commissioners in 1838-9, of the 
Eegistrar-General in 1839, of a Select Committee of the House 
of Commons in 1840, and the special report of the Poor Law 
Commissioners in 1842, prepared by Mr. Chadwick, gave elaborate 
accounts of the unsatisfactory sanitary condition of the population, 
and of the defects of the existing laws. It is not the smallest 
accusation against the prevailing political philosophy that all 
this mass of evidence was left in neglect, and a subsequent Eoyal 
Commission had to go over the whole ground again in 1843-5 
before the principles of laissez faire could be shaken. 

Although the introduction of machinery into industry was 
carried out without any regard to existing interests, and the hand- 
workers suffered severely in consequence, the organisation of 
manufacture on the basis of individual profit worked on the whole 
well in the evolution of production. From this statement an 
exception must be made in respect of transport. Mr. Porter, * 
writing at the time, said : — 

The laissez-faire system, which is pursued in this country to such an 
extent that it has become an axiom with the Government to undertake 
nothing which can be accomplished by individual enterprise or by the associated 
means of private parties, has been pregnant with great loss and inconvenience 
to the country in carrying forward the railway system. 

The extent to which the private greed of landlords and others 
was allowed to interfere with the public interests found expres- 
sion in excessive legal expenditure in promoting Bills, and in 
extortionate compensation, resulting in an estimated waste of 
£50,000,000. A favourite proposal of reformers at that day was 
that the Government should map out a system of the most conve- 
nient lines of railway communication, and should grant monopolies 
of traffic in return for an effective control over rates. Such a sane 
suggestion met with no acceptance, and the Select Committee of 
1846 was forced to report that, instead of the expected benefits 
of competition, railway traffic was a monopoly strengthened by 
acquired ownership of the canals, adding that " a monopoly 
subject to no responsibility and under no effective check or control 
is necessarily an intolerable abuse." An Act had been passed in 
1845 for the revision of rates after twenty-one years, but such 
control was purely illusory, and the complaints of excessive 
charges and neglect of public interests were to continue for nearly 
another half century before the evils were checked. 

* "Progress of the Nation," p. 336 (1847). 






231 



A CHAPTER IX SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY. 



The great financial success which attended the first railways 
led to a burst of speculation reminiscent of the days of the South 
Sea Bubble, and prophetic of evils to be caused in the future by 
the competition of joint-stock capital. In 1836, and again in 1845, 
the "railway mania" reached prodigious heights; in the latter 
year 1,263 schemes were before the public, involving £563,000,000 
of capital. Collapse followed on credulity, but even the great 
money loss did not shake the public belief in the divine attributes 
of enlightened self-interest as the spur to human action. 

PHILOSOPHY OF ASSOCIATION. 

It is a commonplace of observation among naturalists that 
animals and plants when exposed to any danger which threatens 
their race-existence evolve a corresponding method of protection. 
The same principle of adaptation to environment prevails in the 
industrial world. The theory of competition proceeds on the 
assumption that society is simply an aggregate of individuals with 
mutually exclusive interests, and that the public welfare is but the 
summation of their mutually cancelling desires. The unrestricted 
fight of man against man follows as a necessary corollary, bringing 
with it the calamities we have just sketched. On these lines two 
results are possible, the degeneration of the race or its maintenance 
in a state of barbarism, gilded in the higher ranks. We are safe in 
concluding from our experience that the former would have achieved 
itself had not biological necessity evoked a counter-active principle 
— that of association. The theory of competition is contradicted 
in every particular. We hold that men in society are not self- 
sufficient units but members one of another, and that the welfare 
of the community is something apart from and more than the 
several interests of each. In the phrase of modern science society 
is an organism, and just as the cells of the human body act in 
concert locally to repel any attack from noxious elements, so, too, 
do the human cells of the social organism associate themselves 
with a more or less wide scope of action to meet any danger 
threatening their common existence. 

Thus, in the evolution of the State, we find the separate groups 
of the family, the tribe, and the nation. Similarly, in the sphere 
of industry, we find the workers banding themselves locally and 
nationally into trade unions — with a regular progression from the 
shop club through the district union to the federation. Consumers, 
in like manner, have evolved the organisation of the Co-operative 
Store with its national ramifications. Finally, the bond of citizen- 
ship forms a wider basis for action through the municipality and 



the central government. 



232 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION 



ASSOCIATION OF WORKERS. 

In a period when the new organisation of industry was fighting 
for existence, and, as it succeeded, disrupting the existing order of 
society, it was not to be expected that the counter-active forces it 
created should operate on any clearly understood principles. By 
depriving the labourer of his ownership of the means of production 
the industrial revolution merged together the interests of all those 
who worked with their hands, and divided society into " two 
nations" opposed to each other. The combinations of workmen 
in defence of their standard of life, therefore, date back to the 
dawn of the factory system. At first they were directed to the 
maintenance of the customary order of things, to restriction of 
apprentices and the legal fixing of wages. Their efforts, however, 
failed against the growing political strength of the manufacturers 
and the spread of the new individualist philosophy. Following on 
the abolition of mediaeval guild restrictions, combinations of 
journeymen were held to be " in restraint of trade," and therefore 
illegal under the common law, and after numerous special laws 
had been passed referring to particular trades the growth of trade 
unionism among textile workers led to the prohibition of all con- 
certed action by the Combination Laws of 1799-1800. Although 
these laws nominally applied against all combinations they were 
only enforced against workmen who agreed together for an advance 
in wages or a reduction in hours or for control over the manage- 
ment of industry. The natural result of the breakdown of the old 
system of protection and the prohibition of any attempt to create a 
new one was an outbreak of violence and secret conspiracy. 
Friendly societies were utilised for trade purposes, secret unions 
with arbitrary rules and iron discipline were formed, the solidarity 
of the working classes was maintained by an active illegal cor- 
respondence. By the other side the law was enforced with the 
utmost savagery, to which the workers replied by rioting and 
machinery-smashing. The Luddite rioters and Captain Swing 
kept the ruling classes in a state of terror to which they gave 
expression by the infamous Six Acts of 1819. During the first 
quarter of this century, in fact, the country was in a state of sup- 
pressed civil war. At last the capitalist persecution attracted the 
notice of the Radical party in Parliament, and a movement for the 
repeal of the Combination Laws gradually made headway under 
the nominal headship of Joseph Hume, though the real leader was 
Francis Place, the Padical tailor of Charing Cross, whose astute 
management led to a complete victory in 1824. Immediately the 
barriers were removed the trade union movement received a 
tremendous impetus, and, as trade was in a period of inflation, 



233 



A CHAPTER IN SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY. 



there was a vigorous outburst of large and obstinate strikes. 
Panic seized the Government, and only the able tactics of Place 
prevented a complete volte face. As it was, a new Act of 1825 
re-established the common law doctrine against combinations, but 
legalised collective action to regulate hours or wages or to withhold 
labour. In this way was the first workers' charter secured. 

The rising hopes were unfortunately soon checked. Financial 
panic followed on inflation, and the commercial distress at the 
end of 1825 brought about wholesale unemployment and sweeping 
reductions of wages. The newly-formed unions at once collapsed, 
and the workers were completely disillusioned as to the power of 
sectional action to improve their position. Disbelief in the efficacy 
of political methods was added when it was seen that the Reform 
Act of 1832 would not lead to manhood suffrage, and that a timid 
Whig Administration had no intention of subordinating the interests 
of manufacture to humanitarianism. When trade revived in 1829, 
and with it the hope of amelioration, the workers were ripe for 
revolutionary doctrines, and then began the domination of Robert 
Owen over the labour movement, an influence which can still be 
traced in trade union doctrine and phraseology. 

Owen cut right at the root of the competitive theory. Denying 
the individualist conception of man as a being endowed with all 
economic knowledge and all political wisdom and capable of always 
ruling events by the unerring discernment of his true interests, he 
preached that man was the creation of his environment, and that his 
perfectibility was possible by a wise change in his outward circum- 
stances. This change it was the duty of Government and employers 
to bring about. Owen came before the public not as a visionary, 
but as a manufacturer who had applied his principles with con- 
spicuous success in his own business. Nor was he at first a 
revolutionist ; he appealed to his fellow-manufacturers, to Govern- 
ment, and to philanthropists, and it was only when these efforts 
failed that he went to the workers, who received him gladly. Profit 
upon cost price was, in his opinion, the cause of all social misery, 
and until it was abolished reformation of character was impos- 
sible. His "New System of Society'' was to be brought about 
by the voluntary formation of self-sufficing communities numbering 
from 500 to 2,000 individuals, the produce of labour being divided 
according to the needs of the members. When he failed to obtain 
from the rich enough funds to make a start with his scheme he 
modified his plans to suit the framework of the trade unions. 
Each trade was to be carried on by its union organised into lodges 
of a convenient size, the several trades exchanging their products 
on a labour basis, the unit being sixpence for one hour of average 
labour. "The mine for the miner, the factory for the operative," 



234 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION 



was the new cry for the workers. His propagandist efforts were 
strengthened by the writings of an able, but now much neglected, 
group of thinkers who were active about 1825-40, and who, though 
they gave few ideas to Owen, exercised a powerful influence on 
his followers. These early English Socialists, among whom 
Thompson, Gray, Hodgskin, and Bray were the most important, 
adopted the Eicardian theory that labour was the sole source of 
value, and deduced from it the logical conclusion that the labourer 
had the sole right to the whole produce of his labour. Due weight 
must also be given to the vigorous polemic against the rich con- 
ducted by Cobbett, for, although he had nothing in common with 
Owen and the Socialists, he was virtually their recruiting sergeant. 
The result of this conjoint teaching was that for a quarter of a 
century the labour movement was revolutionary and Socialistic in 
character. 

At first the new crusade met with marvellous success. In 1830 
there were over 200 Co-operative Societies on the Owenite model ; 
there was a great production of Co-operative newspapers and 
Socialistic tracts, while paid lecturers preached the doctrine all 
over the country. Between 1830 and 1835 there were held seven 
National Co-operative Congresses, and from 1835 to 1846 fourteen 
Socialistic Congresses. " A positive mania for trade unionism set 
in," says Mr. Webb, and in a few months half a million members 
joined the "Grand National Consolidated Trades Union," estab- 
lished in 1834 to carry out Owen's plans by the method of a 
general strike. The propertied classes were thoroughly alarmed; 
the childish oaths and initiatory ceremonies which the unions had 
borrowed from the Freemasons were regarded as evidence of a 
widespread conspiracy, the violent language used towards employers 
by workers intoxicated by the new wine of Socialism seemed to the 
tyrannous employers to foreshadow a new reign of terror. The 
law officers of the Crown unearthed fusty statutes about conspiracy, 
and the infamous sentence of seven years' penal servitude imposed 
on six Dorchester labourers on the pretext of having administered 
illegal oaths showed the working classes that to combine was still 
a crime in the eyes of their masters. The employers replied to the 
new teaching with the most arbitrary intolerance, and insisted that 
as a condition of employment their operatives should sign a 
renunciation of trade unionism. Numerous strikes broke out, but 
the Grand Union had no funds, and in less than twelve months 
the vigorous prosecution of the masters' policy brought about its 
complete overthrow. In the same year the Labour Exchanges 
established by Owen were closed owing to their failure to provide 
a suitable market for the goods brought to them, and the difficulties 
attending an equitable system of the distribution of profit had 



235 



A CHAPTER IN SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY. 



caused the whole Owenite Co-ojDerative movement to collapse. 
From this moment the influence of Owen began to decline and 
his party to be disintegrated. Some of his disciples became, like 
himself, absorbed in theological controversy ; others carried their 
moral fervour and idealist views into the Chartist movement. To 
secure control of the government by manhood suffrage and apply its 
power to the amelioration of industrial distress was the new aim of 
the working classes, and the movement was only in form political. 
Carlyle clearly saw its underlying industrial character, and by the 
perfervid eloquence of his appeals was the first to make a serious 
breach in the individualist stronghold. The struggle between 
employers and employed continued, oppression being answered by 
violence. The harshness with which the new Poor Law was 
initiated further strained the relations between classes, and the 
taxes on food were a crushing burden on the poor. A period of 
bad trade set in in 1838, and the unions once more collapsed. In 
despair the workers again thought of physical force, but the folly 
and incompetence of the Chartist leaders worked their downfall. 
Yet the trade unions never joined the Chartist movement as they 
had joined the Owenite agitation, though they furnished many of 
its most ardent supporters. The outburst of revolution all over 
Europe in 1848 gave the last stimulus to the Chartists, but the 
movement was already dying, and the failure of the revolt in Paris 
extinguished the attempts at an English rising. In his " History 
of Trade Unionism," page 160, Mr. Webb says: — 

Insurrectionism, whether Owenite or Chartist, was, in fact, fast losing its 
attraction for the working-class mind. A new generation of workmen was 
growing up, to whom the worst of the old oppression was unknown, and who 
had imbibed the economic and political philosophy of the middle-class re- 
formers. Bentham, Ricardo, and Grote were read only by a few, but the 
activity of such popular educationalists as Lord Brougham and Charles Knight 
propagated " useful knowledge " to all the members of the Mechanics' Institutes 
and the readers of the Penny Magazine. The middle-class ideas of "free 
enterprise" and "unrestricted competition " which were thus diffused received 
a great impetus from the extraordinary propaganda of the Anti-Corn Law 
League and the general progress of Free Trade. 

ASSOCIATION OF HUMANITARIANS. 

So long as government was the appanage of class there could 
be no theory of the duty or the extent to which the State should 
interfere with industry, and while reformers were arduously 
engaged in remedying the effects of injudicious State control, much 
impatience was certain to be shown at any suggestion of fresh 
legislative intervention. Consequently, the fight for the removal of 
even the most criminal oppression was excessively tedious. The 
first motive to action was the fear of the spread of infectious 
disease owing to the horribly insanitary condition of the textile 



236 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION 



factories, but to this was soon added a powerful outburst of 
philanthropic feeling directed towards the protection of the weak. 
The textile factories were largely staffed by workhouse apprentices, 
who could have no other protector but the State, and they were 
the first object of legislation. "The Factorv Health and Morals 
Act," the title of Sir Eobert Peel's (the elder) Act of 1802, fully 
expressed the attitude which its promoters took up, but its well- 
meaning provisions were nullified by the failure of the method of 
enforcement. When the workhouse gangs were replaced by the 
workers' children the invocation of parental responsibility and 
property in the labour of offspring was successful in preventing 
legislation, and when, through the efforts of Owen, legislation did 
come it was limited to the new industry — cotton — and even in its 
feeble provisions was ineffective. Slowly the small knot of humani- 
tarians gathered strength, fortified by the aid of the trade unions 
full of Owenite enthusiasm. Oastler, Sadler, Lord Ashley, Fielden, 
and others forced on the Ten Hours Agitation, and the Eoyal 
Commission of 1833 resulted in Lord Althorp's Act of the same year. 
Employment under the age of nine was prohibited, and under the 
age of thirteen limited to forty-eight hours a week, factory 
inspectors being appointed to enforce the regulations. No hours 
were fixed for the working day, and the system of employing relays 
of children made the detection of offences impossible. Ten more 
years of agitation and another Royal Commission were needed 
before an amending Act was passed in 1844, when the limitation of 
the hours of young persons to fifty-eight per week marked another 
stage in the development of the theory that the State must protect 
the weak. The Ten Hours Act of 1847 definitely established the 
principle which still largely obtains to-day — that women, young 
persons, and children must be protected, while adult men 
must be left to themselves. The rule requiring the fencing of 
machinery is an interesting example of this principle, for it was 
applied in 1844 to places where children and young persons work, 
was extended for the protection of women in 1856, and not made 
universal till 1878. The really important point, however, about 
the limitation of women's labour to ten hours a day was that, 
despite the intentions of the Legislature, it at once fixed the normal 
day for men, and was fought for by trade unionists in the know- 
ledge that this must follow. This result was brought about by the 
Act of 1850, which fixed the hours for beginning and ending work, 
and thereby also killed the relay system. 

The first half of this century thus closed with the establishment 
of the right of State interference in industry, and, although the 
attempts to control the railways were futile, the principle was 
strengthened by the passing of the first Sanitation Act in 1846. 



237 



A CHAPTER IN SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY. 



II.— 1850-1900. 



COMPETITION UNDER FREE TRADE. 

The turn of the century marked a new era in English industry. 
The policy of Free Trade was the direct outcome of the creed of 
universal competition, for as far back as 1820 the Merchants' 
Petition had declared that "the maxim of buying in the cheapest 
market and of selling in the dearest, which regulates every 
merchant in his individual dealings, is strictly applicable as the 
best rule for the trade of the whole nation." Under the new 
regime full scope was given to the productive power of machinery, 
and a further impulse was received from the partial removal of 
hostile tariffs by commercial treaties. The Manchester school of 
economists gained additional credit from the attribution to their 
doctrines of results due to the fortunate coincidence of certain 
events which caused independently a great growth of commerce. 
The gold discoveries in California and Australia produced a rise 
in prices favourable to trade and accelerated the settlement of the 
Colonies ; improved means of communication by railways, steam- 
ships, post, and telegraph reduced expenses and rendered middle- 
men unnecessary; the opening of new markets, the railway booms 
on the Continent and in America, and the discovery of new pro- 
cesses such as the Bessemer method of making steel, contributed 
towards national prosperity. But the effects of these changes 
could not be easily distinguished from each other, and their causes 
were obscured by the dramatic struggle carried on by Bright and 
Cobden. The old horrors of the factory system, too, had mainly 
died out, thanks partly to State intervention, partly to the growth 
of milder manners. Consequently the belief in competition, which 
had been shaken by the Socialist criticism, received a new lease of 
life, and we are now able to study it free from disturbing elements. 
According to Sir E. Giffen, the capital of the United Kingdom, 
which had been £4,000,000,000 in 1845, rose to £6,000,000,000 in 
1865, to £8,500,000,000 in 1875, and to £10,000,000,000 in 1885. 
From 1850 to 1875 may be called the golden age of competition. 
Before the Boyal Commission on the Depression of Trade and 
Industry the witnesses always referred to the quinquennium — 
1865-9 — as the period of "normal " trade, and significantly enough 
it was in those years that the growth of capital was most rapid. 
Up to 1875 there had been few of those commercial crises which 
had devastated the industrial world in the thirties and forties, but 
since then the accumulated effects of currency changes and foreign 
competition have caused a fall of prices and prolonged periods of 
depression. 



238 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION : 



Competition works by underselling. Consumers are usually 
unable to judge either of the quality of goods or of the conditions 
under which they are produced or distributed, and consequently, 
as a rule, go to the retailer who asks the lowest price. The profits 
of distribution are thus cut down to the irreducible minimum. 
Eetailers in their turn put pressure on the wholesale merchants, 
and these transfer it to the manufacturers. The manufacturer 
stands to his customer in the relation of a man who must sell as 
against a man who need not purchase from any particular person 
or at any given moment. The whole strain of competition thus 
falls on manufacturing profits, and just in proportion as competition 
is free are the savings in production transferred to the customers' 
pockets. Except where a manufacturer is protected by a patent 
or by possession of some secret process or of some "proprietary 
article," there are no longer great profits, scarcely even a living 
profit, in trade. In this way, the old economists would have told 
us, competition distributes the advantages of improved production 
over the whole community. But there are several effects of the 
process which must be examined more closely. 

In the first place, the results of cut-throat competition on 
trading morality are calamitous. "There is a great consensus of 
authority," said the Times (Dec. 19th, 1891), "in support of the 
belief that trade is apt to develop a somewhat unscrupulous 
cupidity," and Sir Edward Fry, an ex- Judge of the Court of 
Appeal, wrote in a letter to the same paper (Sept. 12th, 1896) : 
"If one inquires whether the morality exercised in the conduct 
of business in this country is satisfactory or not, and answers this 
question from the sources of information open to the public, I fear 
that the answer must be in the negative." Among the examples 
he gave were adulteration, which is no longer regarded as "legiti- 
mate competition;" "the ingenuity exercised in the infringement of 
trade marks, and the perpetual strain exhibited by rival traders by 
some device or other to get the benefit of the reputation of some 
other maker or firm;" frauds in making goods appear better or 
other than they are — familiar in the law courts through the 
" linenette " and similar cases; lastly, bribery by commissions, 
open or disguised, which, as the report of the London Chamber of 
Commerce has since shown, riddles not only the wdiole business 
world but also some of the professions. 

Next, the problems of machinery claim attention. Competition 
lives through reducing the costs of production, and, therefore, 
there is a constant demand for machinery and processes of in- 
creased productivity. In the period 1850 to 1885 the increase in 
the productive power of machinery has been reckoned to be 40 



239 




per cent. The resulting destruction of existing capital is very great 
— £2,500,000 in the iron and steel industries through the discovery 
of the Bessemer and open hearth processes. The self-interest 
of individuals leads to the construction of new factories and to an 
increased output unnecessary from, the standpoint of the com- 
munity, because if sufficient custom can be attracted by reduced 
prices from established manufacturers that is all the new-comers 
ask for. If a new demand were created the increase of production 
would be justified, but the present inequitable distribution of 
wealth will not permit the vast classes whose wants are unsatisfied 
to increase their effective demand. Hence arises the struggle for 
new markets which forms so large a part of present-day inter- 
national politics. Leaving this aside as raising questions not 
germane to the present discussion, we are face to face with the 
problem that the rich must save, while the poor cannot buy. 
Saving means directly or indirectly investment in some mode 
of production with the sole view of the interests of the individual 
and without regard to the needs of the community. Over-pro- 
duction inevitably results, and, the markets being glutted, a large 
quantity of machinery and labour is thrown out of employment. 
In its turn consumption is checked by the fall in incomes, and a 
period of depression ensues characterised by a fall in prices, 
diminished production, and a shrinkage in demand; when there 
has been a sufficient waste of idle capital to use up the congested 
goods trade once more takes an upward turn, and by and by 
the cycle is repeated. This is now fully recognised to be the 
regular course of modern competitive industry. 

The improvement of the means of communication has interna- 
tionalised capital and industry, and the market has spread from 
restricted localities till it embraces the whole world. Capital, in 
consequence, can no longer control its own productivity, and the 
industry of any nation is at the mercy of events occurring in other 
countries outside its control. Thus the great railway booms on the 
Continent and in America attracted large amounts of British capital 
which was locked up unproductively until the railways began to 
pay. Collapse in each case followed on inflation. Even the 
power of capital under the direction of individuals to meet extra- 
ordinary demands has ultimately operated for evil. The cotton 
famine during the American Civil War led to the creation by 
British capital of new sources of supply in India and Egypt, but 
the over-investment due to unrestricted individual action led to the 
failure of the City of Glasgow Bank in 1878 and a severe depres- 
sion in Scottish industry. Similarly the necessity for replacing the 
stock of goods destroyed during the Franco-German War created a 
vast but temporary expansion of demand, and induced an extension 



240 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION \ 



of manufacturing enterprise far exceeding the normal requirements 
of the consumer. This fever of speculation ended in a long 
depression, and at the same time, since it was not confined to this 
country, created that additional competition by foreign countries 
which has so severely hampered British commerce. 

As the rate of profit fell through competition capitalists could 
only secure an adequate remuneration by increasing their turnover 
and therefore their capital. Larger capital also was required to 
work the improved machinery and the new processes, and the 
method by which it was found constitutes the most portentous 
feature of the last half-century. The system of joint-stock companies 
under limited liability allowed the aggregation of small capitals 
into one mass, and led to the formation of large businesses which 
were at one and the same time the most efficient instruments of 
production and the most formidable competitors with the individual 
capitalists. Their success has proved that the motive of private 
gain which animated the individual trader was not necessary in 
industry, and that the paid servants of huge corporations were as 
efficient as the heroes of Samuel Smiles. On the other hand, the 
ease with which companies were formed caused much unnecessary 
application of capital, particularly in the textile industry, and great 
over-production, though in bad times, by spreading their losses 
over many shareholders, they were better able to weather the storm 
than their private competitors. They have also seriously in- 
creased the growth of speculation. From the passing of the 
Companies Act of 1862 up to the end of 1897 61,878 companies 
were registered with a gross capital of over £5,261,000,000, and of 
these there were actually at work in 1897 only 23,728, with a 
capital of £1,285,000,000. Still graver are the frauds to which the 
system has given rise. " The general conclusion," said the Board 
of Trade in the Eeport for 1893 under Sec. 29 of the Companies 
(Winding-up) Act, 1890, "to which an impartial observation of the 
facts necessarily leads is that under the Companies Acts a wide 
field has been opened up for the prosecution of objects of a more 
or less fraudulent character, which did not exist prior to the passing 
of these Acts, and which would be practically impossible in the 
case of individuals, private partnerships, or of unlimited companies." 
The money losses have been severe, but the corruption of public 
morality which recent scandals have brought to light is much more 
important. This injury to the national honour, together with the 
diminished sense of personal responsibility arising from anonymous 
trading, is so widely acknowledged that it needs no emphasising 
here. 

Competition can only continue so long as it is advantageous to 
the competitors. It must stop when prices have been reduced to the 



241 



A CHAPTER IN SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY. 



margin of profit, for then the competitors — particularly if they have 
been diminished to a manageable number — see that their real interest 
lies in combination against the consumer. The perception of this 
fact is the dominant feature in English industry to-day, and the 
great bulk of our trade is under one form or another of regulation 
aiming at the maintenance of profit. In the shop trades, such as 
grocers, bakers, and chemists, the periodical fixing of prices is 
familiar to all, but almost every industry has its association of 
masters which either openly or secretly tries to regulate prices, and, 
where possible, output. These associations are inherently weak 
through want of sufficient compulsion over their members and 
through inability to prevent new capitalists from entering the trade, 
and there is, therefore, a steady tendency towards some closer and 
stronger form of union. Most interesting, and at the same time 
most dangerous, in this respect are the Birmingham "alliances" 
of masters and men. Cost price is estimated by a committee and 
a fixed rate of profit insisted upon, while the employes are silenced 
by a sliding wage scale dependent upon prices and by the exclu- 
sive employment of trade unionists ; the whole power of the trade 
union is brought to bear on recalcitrant masters in the interests of 
the alliance. The final step in the evolution is the emergence of 
private monopolies by the fusion of competing firms into one 
company, and in the last few years the movement has progressed 
by gigantic strides. The English Sewing Cotton Co., J. and P. 
Coats and Co., the Fine Cotton Spinners and Doublers' Associa- 
tion, the Bradford Dyers' Association, the Yorkshire Indigo Dyers, 
the unions of the Bradford slubbing and warp dyers, the textile 
machinery makers, the textile leather workers, the linen thread 
makers, the calico printers, the linoleum manufacturers, the india- 
rubber manufacturers, the oil and feeding stuff makers, the washing 
and wringing machine makers ; the associated firms of W. Cory 
and Sons and Reckitt, Cockerell, and Co., which dominate the 
London coal trade ; the Armstrong- Whit worth, Vickers-Maxim, 
and J. Brown and Clydesdale Co. amalgamations ; the Aberdeen 
Comb Co. ; the Wall Paper Trust — this is a far from complete 
list of consolidations, each of which is supreme in its own de- 
partment of industry. Every prospectus is a protest against 
"unhealthy and excessive competition'' — a revulsion of feeling 
which reads strangely by the side of the rhapsodies of Smith and 
Ricardo. This is no accidental development, but the natural 
outcome of competition cutting its own throat. To quote the 
Textile Mercury (April 22nd, 1899) :— " Steadily, although at a rate 
far less rapid than in the States, amalgamation of kindred concerns 
is going on within our own borders, and there is nothing to 
prevent, but, so far, much to encourage further unification of 

17 



242 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION 



industrial interests." Incidentally, another confident prediction 
of the economists has been falsified, for Free Trade is proving no 
barrier to private monopoly ; Protection accelerates but does 
not cause the evolution. Finally, these large combinations are 
threatening to extinguish even international competition. The 
Standard Oil Trust of America controls the European market ; 
international conferences or "shipping rings" fix English freight 
rates ; J. and P. Coats and Co. and the English Sewing Cotton Co. 
are not only closely connected but they practically form one amal- 
gamation with the American Sewing Thread Co. ; the Fine Cotton 
Spinners and Doublers' Association has acquired a factory at 
Lille, and the consolidated linen-thread makers have factories in 
Scotland, Ireland, America, and Hamburg. It has taken us but 
little more than a hundred years to advance from the cottage 
industry to the trust, and the dawn of another century sees capital 
no longer competitive but preparing to enter into new international 
unions. Free competition is truly dead. 

TRADE UNIONISM. 

The passing of Chartism and the advent of Free Trade found 
the workers ready to accept the principle of competition, but they 
would only compete in their own way. Individual bargaining had 
led to a bare subsistence wage ; individual bargaining, therefore, 
must cease. 

The main purpose for which workmen unite in trade unions has always 
been to obtain from their employers, by means of combination, more ad- 
vantageous conditions of employment than each man could secure as an 
individual. With this object it is a fundamental principle of trade unionism to 
replace individual bargaining between the wage-earner and the employer by 
collective bargaining between the whole body of organised workmen and their 
employers, and to supersede the separate determination of conditions as between 
individuals by collective agreements formulating common rules for the workmen 
in the aggregate.* 

Allan and Newton, the founders of the Amalgamated Society of 
Engineers, initiated the policy of establishing great unions with 
large reserve funds so that the employers might think twice before 
attacking them, and, although the career of their society was opened 
with a great defeat, their policy was enthusiastically adopted by the 
other workers, especially after the drawn battle in the London 
building trades in 1860-1. Trade unions, however, were in the eyes 
of the law illegal societies, and all effective action was prevented by 
the vindictive application of the Law of Conspiracy. A few isolated 

* Manifesto on " The Legitimate Action of Trade Unions," signed by Frederic Harrison, 
J. M. Ludlow, Henry Crompton, E. S. Beesley, and Sidney and Beatrice Webb.— Daily News, 
December 11th, 1897. 



243 



A CHAPTER IN SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY. 



cases of outrage in oppressed trades were assiduously held up by 
the employers as typical in order to inflame the public mind against 
the unionists. At last the workmen got the vote in 1867, and could 
carry their unionism into politics. Aided by the able advocacy of 
Frederic Harrison, J. M. Ludlow, Professor Beesley, and others, the 
unions secured legal recognition in 1871, and after a revolt against 
the Liberal party at the election of 1874 they were placed in 1875 
in the same relation to the Law of Conspiracy as other societies. 

The governing classes were fortified in their hostility to trade 
unions by the belief that all attempts to raise wages were futile since 
wages were paid out of a fixed wages fund. This economic doctrine 
was always contested by the workmen, who held that wages and 
profits were paid out of an indeterminate fund and bore no necessary 
relation to each other, and this contention was ultimately accepted 
by J. S. Mill in 1869. At first the workers accepted the doctrine 
that wages should be determined by the demand for and supply of 
labour, and sought through their unions to obtain a strategic position 
in the labour market. The labour leaders denounced strikes, 
and the masters, under the leadership of Mr; Mimdella, slowly 
abandoned their feudal attitude and agreed to meet their workmen 
at boards of arbitration to settle peacefully the conditions of employ- 
ment. The principle that wages should follow prices was accepted 
by both sides, and considerations of convenience led to the fixing of 
sliding scales controlling the movements of wages over lengthy 
periods. Between 1867 and 1875 was the golden age of arbitration, 
and while times were good at least the "aristocracy of labour" 
profited. But when bad times followed, and prices and wages came 
tumbling, the trade unionists found that their cherished principle 
gave occasion for serious inroads on their Standard of Life. The 
revival of good times synchronised with a humanitarian outburst 
caused by the "sweating" disclosures and the warm reception 
accorded to the teachings of Henry George and the Socialists. The 
unions began again to raise themselves from the slough, and the 
great victory of the unskilled dock labourers in 1889, won by the 
aid of public opinion, was the doom of the supply and demand 
doctrine. The old policy of building up big friendly society benefits 
had been discredited by the neglect of the unskilled labourers, and 
from 1888 the Miners' Federation set up the principle of the living 
wage, long previously adopted by the cotton operatives, that wages 
must be a first charge on industry not determined by prices or 
profit, and must be of such an amount as will secure a decent 
maintenance. This principle was accepted by the public in the 
"coal war" of 1893, and is applied by the State departments and 
most municipalities in determining the pay of the persons whom 
they directly or indirectly employ. 



244 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION \ 



For a long time the use of machinery was fiercely resisted by 
the workers, since it destroyed their only capital, their skill, and 
abolished their "vested right" to their trade. Wiser counsels have 
prevailed, and machinery is now welcomed, provided that no 
attempt is made to reduce the standard of life by the employment 
of less skilled and worse paid labourers. The Boot War of 1895 
established the doctrine that the competition of workmen displaced 
by machinery must not be utilised to reduce the wages of those 
who remain, and joint committees were set up with power to 
regulate the rate of wages and the conditions of employment. But 
when the engineers in 1897 proposed the same solution for their 
machinery troubles it was rejected by the employers as an inter- 
ference with the management of the workshop, and though this 
method is rapidly gaining ground it cannot be said to be universally 
adopted. 

After the living wage the establishment of a shorter normal 
day has been the chief desideratum of the unions. The Lancashire 
cotton operatives had since the beginning of their history favoured 
legislative regulation of the hours of labour, and, astutely appealing 
to the humanitarian feeling in protection of the women and children 
in factories, they secured, after a fierce resistance from the doctri- 
naires (which ruined the Liberal party in Lancashire), a legal 56^ 
hours from the Conservative Government of 1875. As both sexes 
worked in the same factories, adult men shared in the benefit, 
and another tenet of political philosophy was shamefacedly or 
unknowingly surrendered. The engineering and building trades 
had already gained by a notable strike a nine hours day in 1871-2, 
but the victory was lost in increased overtime. So thoroughly had 
the working-class leaders been converted to middle-class economics 
and politics that up till about 1885 they regarded any application 
to Parliament as an offence against laissez /aire, only to be justified 
in rare cases. The last fifteen years mark a great change, owing 
to the advocacy of the Socialists and the pressure of the unem- 
ployed problem. The annual Trade Union Congress is now one 
continuous appeal to Parliament, and conspicuous among the 
demands is the Eight Hours Bill. Political pressure has won an 
eight hours day for Government employes, but the vigorous fight 
of the engineers was useless against the strength of the federated 
employers. 

With this lesson thoroughly learned — that combined capital 
can reduce united labour to the same impotent condition in which 
the individual labourer stood before his employer — the policy of 
utilising the political power of the trade unions as an extension 
of, but not in substitution for, their economic functions wins more 
adherents every day. 



245 



A CHAPTER IX SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY. 



THE FRIENDLY SOCIETIES. 

The idea of mutual thrift, of massing together small means so 
that by utilising the doctrine of averages men might be insured 
against risks too heavy for them to bear individually, has a 
respectable antiquity of some two centuries, and a multiplicity of 
forms, from the local Slate Club to the affiliated Order with its 
hundreds of thousands of members. Working men and small 
tradesmen early found that their incomes would not enable them 
to provide by their own savings against sickness and death, and the 
industrial revolution upsetting all fixed relations of life proved a 
powerful inducement towards insurance. Already by 1815 there 
were 926,000 members of friendly societies. Yet the old Poor Law 
effectually prevented the exercise of thrift among agricultural 
labourers, and the Government, suspicious of democracy, did its 
best to kill the affiliated Orders as secret societies, while it accorded 
some measure of protection to the local clubs. Ignorance of 
actuarial principles, which the State did nothing to remedy, caused 
an immense mortality among the small clubs and serious loss to 
their members. But when the workers began to feel their self- 
reliance increase through their association into trade unions ; when 
their social condition was bettered under factory legislation and 
Free Trade ; and when the abolition of the taxes on knowledge 
removed a great premium on ignorance, a steady development set 
in in friendly society work, particularly in the great Orders — the 
Manchester Unity of Oddfellows rising from 47,638 members in 
1834 to 434,100 in 1870, and the Foresters from 16,510 to 376,663. 
There was not a similar growth in money strength, though the 
larger societies, and particularly those named, were active in 
financial reforms. Yet, by a curious perversity, the attitude of the 
State departments was distinctly unfriendly to the democratically- 
governed affiliated Orders ! At last, in 1875, the Government, after 
an elaborate inquiry, gave the friendly societies their Magna 
Charta, ensuring to the members a reasonable amount of pro- 
tection, and providing for the accumulation of reports upon which 
a correct financial basis could be secured for benefits. Since then 
membership has gone up by leaps and bounds. In 1892 there 
were 4,203,601 members of societies whose funds amounted to 
£22,695,039. Half the membership is in fourteen societies; while 
in 1897 the Oddfellows (MX.) and the Foresters alone had over 
1,355,000 adult male members, and over £13,500,000 funds. In 
fact, these two Orders (and the Hearts of Oak) are by virtue of 
better management winning in the thrift competition. Unfor- 
tunately the financial condition of many societies is quite insuffi- 
cient to meet their liabilities. Much has been done in the last 
decade by way of improvement, and the elastic constitution of a 



246 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION 



friendly society enables it, if it chooses, to modify benefits 
according to funds. The Workmen's Compensation Act probably 
lessened the strain or, as in the case of the Miners' Belief 
Societies, increased the benefits to the injured. But the most 
serious pressure is due to the burden of old-age pensions under the 
guise of chronic sick pay. 

THE CO-OPEIIATIVE MOVEMENT. 

The object of trade unions is to protect the workers from the 
destructive forces of competition by erecting the barriers of the 
Standard Eate, the Normal Day, and Legislative Protection. They 
admit the existing system of industry, and seek to obtain the best 
conditions consistent therewith. The Co-operative movement denies 
the existing system and seeks to replace it by one more equitable. 
We may look upon industry either from the standpoint of the pro- 
ducer or from that of the consumer. The former is the view of 
the individualist, the latter the life principle of the movement 
which began in Toad Lane, Eochdale, in 1844. That the Rochdale 
Co-operators were in the direct line of apostolic succession from 
Robert Owen is shown by their objects, which included not only 
the sale of goods and the building of houses for members, but also 
the manufacture of goods and cultivation of land to give employ- 
ment to members out of work or badly paid, and further "to 
establish a self-supporting home colony of united interests." Their 
special merit was that they stuck to business, and left idealism to 
better times. One Owenite principle they carried out in a manner 
so novel and simple as at once to command success. The old school 
had sought to eliminate profit-making by selling goods at cost and 
by instituting a system of labour notes, but both plans were unsuited 
to business needs. The new leaders sold at current prices and 
divided "profits" among the consumers according to purchases. 
In this way so much surplus that otherwise would have gone into 
the pockets of private traders was socialised, divided among the 
community so far as the members of the community chose to 
associate themselves for this purpose. Society was proportionately 
freed from the autocracy of captains of industry and the greed of 
the private profit-monger, and by a strictly democratic control of 
industry secured the satisfaction of its needs in the way it itself 
should choose, instead of in the way the capitalist might see to be, 
the most profitable. The advantages of the new method of shop- 
keeping were not long in approving themselves to the working 
classes, and the incidental benefits of unadulterated goods, cash 
trading, and an automatic thrift attracted those for whom idealism 
did not exist. Already in 1851 there were 130 stores in existence; 
in 1897 there were 1,822, with 1,512,128 members, with a total 



247 



A CHAPTER IN SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY. 



capital of £22,984,825, with sales amounting to £59,881,039, and 
net profits of over £6,000,000. This elimination of the small shop- 
keeper naturally led to attacks on the wholesale merchant, and 
after the successful establishment of several corn mills the English 
Co-operative Wholesale Society was founded in 1863, followed by 
the Scotch Society in 1868. These bodies are associations of stores 
(the Scotch Society also admitting its employes), and sell only to 
stores on the ordinary Co-operative principle. At first they con- 
fined themselves to wholesale buying, but in 1873 the opening of 
the Crumpsall Biscuit Works marked the completion of the chain 
of development by the undertaking of actual manufacturing. To 
enumerate the long and well-known list of Co-operative produc- 
tions is unnecessary here ; their value in 1897 amounted to 
£2,905,167, while the total sales of the Wholesale Societies in 
the same year were £16,325,997. There should also be added 
£3,297,816, the value of goods produced in the productive depart- 
ments of stores. The manufacturing departments are the most 
complete answer of the principle of association to that of competi- 
tion. Industry is directed by the community, so far as the million 
members of stores federated into the Wholesale Societies are con- 
cerned and for the articles they produce, as completely as in a 
Socialist state, and "profits" are communalised and divided among 
the members in proportion to their trade, so that wants are virtually 
satisfied at cost price. Indeed, it is a misuse of economic terms to 
speak here of profit in the usual sense, which means buying from 
one man at one price and selling to another for a higher sum. 
The Co-operator buys from and sells to himself, and merely shifts 
his money from his breeches to his waistcoat pocket. True profit 
can only be earned by sweating the employes, and this is only 
done in excessively rare instances, Co-operators being always the 
foremost in the just treatment of labour. 

The stores have not been exempt from the scorn which has 
always been showered on the "mere shopkeeper," and quite an 
undue amount of honour has been given to another form of co- 
operation. Borrowing two delusions of the old political economy, 
that the aim of society is production and not consumption, and that 
only productive labour is beneficial to the community, the Christian 
Socialists — Kingsley, Maurice, Ludlow, Hughes, and Neale — sought 
to reform society by remodelling the method of employment. 
Associated bodies of workmen were to supply their own capital, 
choose their own managers, and divide among themselves all the 
proceeds of their labour. A number of such self-governing work- 
shops were started after 1849, but by 1852 they had collapsed 
owing to want of discipline and business ability. Where these 
defects were avoided, as in the Lancashire "co-operative" cotton 



248 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION '. 



mills, the businesses degenerated into joint-stock companies, in 
which the shareholders might be operatives, but took care to work 
in other mills. To-day, to quote Mr. H. D. Lloyd, *"the idea of 
a self-governing workshop, an independent, individualised group, 
self-owned, self-directed, and self-absorbed, has been as definitely 
abandoned as the earlier idea of a colony." Then followed a period 
in which the trade unions tried to emancipate themselves from the 
capitalist by undertaking " self -employment in associative work- 
shops," particularly in the engineering trade, but a series of 
disastrous failures proved their inability to cope with the private 
manufacturer. Finally the grandiose idea shrank up into various 
plans of profit-sharing, now revived under the more attractive title 
of labour co-partnership. 

Profit-sharing is either a bonus for extra exertion or it makes 
the remuneration of the worker dependent on operations in the 
market which he cannot control. The sharing of losses means a 
breach in the dam of the standard rate which the trade unions 
have painfully built up. Individualist productive societies or 
labour co-partnerships do not eliminate competition, but must fight 
for their existence in the open market like any capitalist under- 
taking. The stores and their productive departments, on the 
contrary, remove their trade definitely from the sphere of com- 
petition and work for an assured market. Indeed, those other 
productive societies which are successful owe their success mainly 
to the fact that their capital is largely held by stores, which at the 
same time form their chief market. Nowhere do the employes 
hold a preponderating share of the capital, and the circumstance 
that the accumulated savings of the working classes fall short of 
the annual savings of the propertied classes shows the impossibility 
of successful working-class competition with capitalists. 

THE ASSOCIATION OF CITIZENS. 

We can regard society as a corporation of citizens associated 
together for the satisfaction of their needs. Hitherto it has seemed 
good to rely upon individual effort and private interest for the 
fulfilment of the ends of the association, but the power has always 
remained innate in society to act corporately when its welfare was 
threatened by the antagonism of its component parts. This denial 
of the old atomistic view has been powerfully supported by the 
application of evolutionary ideas to political science. Said Professor 
Huxley : — f 

I am unable to see that civil society is anything but a corporation established 
for a moral object — namely, the good of its members — and, therefore, that it 

* " Labour Co-partnership," p. 222. 
f'The Struggle for Existence."— "Nineteenth Century," Feb. 1888. 



249 



A CHAPTER IX SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY, 



may take such measures as seem fitting for the attainmenf of that which the 
general voice declares to be the general good. ... I conceive it to be 
demonstrable that the higher and more complex the organisation of the social 
body the more closely is the life of each member bound up with that of the 
whole, and the larger becomes the category of acts which cease to be merely 
self-regarding, and which interfere with the freedom of others more or less 
seriously. 

\Ye have not arrived at this position by one leap, but through 
the slow and painful compulsion of experience. As we have seen, 
the first step in the evolution of the social idea was the acknow- 
ledgment of the responsibility of the State for the weak and helpless, 
a principle established firmly by the Ten Hours Act of 1847. 
Further acquaintance with industrial affairs showed that the adult 
man was in respect of a large portion of his activity in the same 
position as the woman or child. A factory operative cannot make 
his own bargain with his employer as to fencing of machinery, or 
ventilation, or sanitary conveniences, or safety of processes, and if 
he had the power to bargain he has not usually the scientific know- 
ledge necessary for his protection. Consequently, the State has 
had to step in and undertake the regulation of these matters, 
otherwise the forces of competition would give an undue advantage 
to the bad employer. Since 1847 no long interval of years has 
elapsed without some Act being passed either to bring some new 
industry under the factory laws or to add some new detail of pro- 
tection. Each case has been dealt with independently as the 
necessity arose, and it is somewhat difficult to discern any common 
principle running through this haphazard legislation. Yet we may 
assert that it is almost universally acknowledged that it is a prime 
duty of the State to safeguard its workers from the risk of ill-health 
or accident arising out of their trades. The latest extension of 
legislative interference may be seen in the Workmen's Compensa- 
tion Act and in the regulation of dangerous trades, particularly in 
the admission that for the sake of future generations it may become 
necessary to prohibit certain processes altogether. 

The necessities of life in towns have led to another though 
similar extension of State control. Successive epidemics of cholera 
taught the dearly-bought lesson that the competition of house- 
builders and slumowners could not be relied upon to ensure healthy 
dwellings and a not undue density of population. A whole code of 
public health law, a great Government department, and a mighty 
army of local officials now form the defences of a standard of 
sanitation which might be raised considerably higher without 
becoming Utopian. The laissez faire period worked such havoc in 
the towns growing up under the factory system that the reformed 
municipalities early found themselves faced by the problems of an 



250 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION '. 



insufficient water supply and overcrowded slums. They were in 
no hurry to deal with them, and, conformably to current economic 
notions, handed over the water supply to private companies. 
When the tyranny of private monopoly made itself felt the com- 
panies were bought out and a municipal supply substituted, with 
excellent financial results. This naturally suggested a similar 
treatment of other "natural" monopolies — gas, electric light, 
tramways, ferries, and so on — until to-day the commercial world 
has taken alarm at the spread of municipal trading. Yet, after all, 
the ousting of the manufacturer or trader by the consumer or 
municipality is only the logical sequence of the ousting of sub- 
ordinate producers by the large manufacturer who now makes in 
his own factory a large number of goods incidental to his main 
business which formerly he would have obtained from so many 
separate makers. Another portion of municipal trading is the 
working up of the bye-products which it produces in the course of 
its disposal of sewage and refuse, and the charge against the 
municipality is exactly that it makes inroads on the territory of 
competition, that it does its own work and supplies its own needs, 
and that in dealing with its workpeople it throws aside the law of 
supply and demand ; yet the growth of its activity has not been 
due to preconceived notions about the sphere of the State but to 
the resolve of hard-headed, and usually individualistic, citizens to 
protect the best interests of their towns against profit-mongering 
shareholders. The housing problem has run a similar course. 
Quite apart from the slum question, we see that the " competition" 
of builders — which is quite free — and the monopoly of landowners 
have ended in a crushing burden of rent on town dwellers for 
houses with insufficient accommodation and a too scanty supply of 
light and air. The town community is now coming to see that it 
must end its own rent-raising competition by undertaking co- 
operatively through its municipality the provision of houses for its 
citizens. 

The State Manufacturing Departments of the Admiralty and the 
War Office are a natural confession that it is impossible to leave 
the supreme function of national defence entirely at the mercy of 
the private trader. The recent glimpse which we had of the serious 
results which might have followed in a period of European com- 
plications from the delay of the naval construction programme 
owing to the great engineering dispute has driven this home to 
all except those enthusiasts of competition who would hand over 
the conduct of war itself to private companies. And this principle 
once established cannot be limited to ironclads or soldiers' uniforms 
— a supply of cotton cloth is as necessary to the nation as either of 
these. 



251 



A CHAPTER IN SOCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY, 



The State undertakes a varied series of duties in limitation of 
the working of competition. The hoary maxim of caveat emptor 
is now abandoned in view of the fact that, for want of technical 
knowledge, the purchaser cannot defend himself against fraud or 
adulteration. Even if it were contended that fools only are deceived 
and may properly be allowed to go to the wall, the State has still 
to look after its moral welfare, and, if competition is to eventuate 
in free swindling, such toleration of "commercial ethics" will 
lead to a state of society not at all preferable to that "when wild 
in woods the noble savage ran." To these considerations we owe 
a body of laws in restraint of adulteration, false representation, and 
numerous other forms of commercial fraud, which the best class 
of business men are now trying to supplement by fresh legisla- 
tion against bribery and fraudulent company-promotion. One 
unsuspected result of this reduction of illegal gains is to make 
competition even more unprofitable than it is to-day, and thereby 
to hasten the tendency towards the fusion of rival businesses into 
private monopolies. 

This leads us to consider the position of the different forms of 
voluntary association now that industry is developing into the 
trust stage. The destructive effects of competition have been 
serious enough, but the trust holds consumer and workman alike 
in the hollow of its hand. The trade unions have proved weak 
against organised capital, and only include some 1,600,000 out of 
10,000,000 workers, the weakest and worst-off classes being entirely 
without protection. The friendly societies are staggering into 
insolvency under the burden of trying to save their members from 
old-age pauperism, and the working classes, on the testimony of 
Mr. Chamberlain, have no money to spare for further insurance. 
The co-operators, though they have abundance of funds, naturally 
hesitate to enter into branches of manufacture largely dependent 
on foreign trade, where they would have to face the rivalry of 
highly- skilled captains of industry, and where, even if successful, 
their efforts would cause the destruction of a great deal of existing 
capital. Yet it must not be supposed that these voluntary institu- 
tions are failures. They have been a training ground in democracy, 
the value of which will be seen when the working classes make up 
their minds to take their proper share in the government of the 
country, and they furnish examples of corporate enthusiasm which 
are the most hopeful features of this dollar-loving age. On the 
other hand, they have benefited exceedingly from the growth of 
State activity, drawing the greatest number of their members from 
those trades which are most effectively guarded by law. ■ State 
protection has, in fact, produced liberty of action and vigour in 
enterprise. The same classes who fought for the free labourer and the 



252 



ASSOCIATION VERSUS COMPETITION. 



private trader against the trade unions and the Co-operative Stores 
now urge the working classes to confine themselves to the more 
limited forms of association and to neglect the wider forms of 
combined action possible through the State. But the State is the 
only organisation strong enough to beat down the money power of 
the trusts and to resist the political power which their shareholders 
possess and are — as in the case of the railway and water com- 
panies — not slow to exercise. Two principles of State action have 
been already accepted — control and expropriation. An example of 
the former is the Railway Commission — which regulates prices, 
i.e., freightage rates, and fixes the hours of labour ; while an instance 
of the latter is the measure dealing with the National Telephone 
Company. Action in both cases has so far been timid, but still is 
a precedent for stronger action. For example, to maintain the 
standard of life we need a minimum wage law to abolish sweating, 
Boards to fix a living wage on the model of those at work in Victoria, 
and an old-age pension scheme and an eight hours law. To protect 
the consumer against the working of our system of production 
we require a rigid control of the new private monopolies as they 
arise, in order that they may be taken over by the State or the 
municipality as soon as they have reached a sufficient degree of 
concentration. Finally, to ensure the highest development of the 
individual citizen and to secure the welfare of the nation amidst 
the ever keener international competition, we need a far-reaching 
reform in, and a detailed reorganisation of, education — the depart- 
ment of human activity in which unrestricted liberty and free 
competition have had the most disastrous effects. Voluntary 
association will not be rendered useless; on the contrary, past 
experience warrants us in expecting that a more vigorous growth 
of trade unionism and Co-operation will follow on State regulation. 
In this way, by an ever-expanding application of the principle of 
association, society will protect itself against the workings of com- 
petition and gradually limit its scope until at last the community 
really becomes one vast Co-operative State. 




253 



Cbe Woollen Industrp, fiistoricallp 
ana Commercial^ Considered. 




BY FEED BRADBURY, 

Head of the Textile Department, Municipal Technical 
School, Halifax, Yorks. 

| HE art of manipulating the raw wool into yarn or 
threads, and of subsequently manufacturing it into 
woven cloth for clothing and other covering purposes, 
dates far back into the remote ages of antiquity. If 
the preparation and manufacture of cloth were con- 
sidered from this ancient period alone they would 
form an interesting volume, for most human minds manifest an 
interest in all things which justly claim to have had their origin 
in ancient and especially prehistoric times. Ever since England 
began to rise in rank among the nations, the spinning of wool into 
yarn and the manufacture of woollen fabrics has formed the staple 
industry of the kingdom, and is now, at least, one of the principal 
trades of this great commercial country. At one period in our 
country's history the wealth of the nation was wrapped up in the 
Woollen Industry ; to-day, whilst the nation is not dependent upon 
this industry so exclusively as heretofore, it nevertheless forms one 
of the most important of its commercial enterprises. A suitable 
introduction to the above subject must necessarily involve, at least, 
a brief consideration of the earliest mention of wools and manufac- 
tures, both Scriptural and historical. There can be little doubt 
that the manufacture of woven fabrics was practised in the early 
history of man. The first kind of clothing would certainly be crude 
and primitive, but doubtless it would satisfy the needs and circum- 
stances of man at that time, for our first parents had few wants. 
They did not require much clothing — only, in fact, a short dress 
made of fig leaves (Genesis hi., 7). But when ejected at a 



254 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



subsequent period from their genial clime they wore coats of skins 
(Genesis hi., 21). Later, as the original families and afterwards 
small and great nations extended their borders, sought out, dis- 
covered, and then migrated to more distant parts of the globe, 
especially to the North and West, they found the climatic conditions 
less favourable; consequently, other kinds of clothing became 
necessary, and it is most probable that at this early date spinning 
and weaving in its rudest form had its origin ; hence we have an 
early example of the subsequent proverbial saying, "Necessity is 
the mother of invention." The art of making cloth gradually 
developed until it reached a state when it was fit to be employed 
as garments for clothing and as coverings or wrappers (Genesis ix., 
23; Exodus xxii., 26). Subsequently the art of dyeing w T as 
discovered, for Joseph's coat was made of many colours. It would 
also appear that the ingenuity of the people had suggested the idea 
of combining woollen and linen in the same texture, for in Leviticus 
xiii., 47-48, it is recorded, "Whether it be a woollen garment or a 
linen garment, whether it be in the warp or woof (weft) of linen or 
of woollen." This art of combination has, in these later days, 
been carried to a high degree of perfection. The simplicity and 
facility with which wool could be manipulated and drawn out into 
a thread, as compared with linen or other vegetable material, would 
conduce to its more general adoption and use, hence it is very 
probable that for a long period the woollen manufacture was the 
principal one known to the ancients. From a study of the history 
of the ancient nations it is soon observed that those nations which 
had a convenient maritime situation, and thus a natural opening 
for the bartering of their wares, easily conceived that they could 
obtain a much greater profit upon exchanging their produce or 
manufactures with people inhabiting the country across the narrow 
seas (for the commerce of the ancient world was confined to the 
coasts of the Mediterranean and Red Seas) ; therefore, it was 
generally found that countries situated so favourably almost always 
made most progress in the arts and manufactures. 

Before the introduction of the mariner's compass navigators did 
not dare to venture far out to sea, but with its invention countries 
fortunately having a great seaboard or an insular position received 
an impetus in trade and commerce, for the mariner could now 
undertake more distant expeditions, execute them in considerably 
less time, and so bring the nations closer together. 

The woollen manufacture which had enriched many towns in 
Italy in the 12th and 13th centuries, and especially Florence, seems 
to have always been pervaded with the spirit of migration, 
particularly westward, though there must always have been a 



255 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 

cause which resulted in such a radical change. Accordingly, we 
find that France, Flanders, and England, especially Flanders 
(Netherlands), are all introducing and encouraging the manufacture 
of woollen cloth. Owing to the number of navigable rivers, the 
flatness of the country, and suitability for canals in the Nether- 
lands, the inhabitants of that country extensively developed this 
useful and wealth-producing industry by fully utilising their 
natural advantages. At a later period, however, the persecution of 
the Flemish by Philip of Spain resulted in the exit from Flanders 
of the most independent in spirit and active and skilful in business. 
These were for the most part experts in the manufacture of cloth 
and the arts associated with the spinning and weaving processes, 
and they found a safe refuge in those countries anxious to 
encourage the weaving industry, Great Britain being a notable 
illustration ; in fact, no country was in a better position to reap the 
immediate profit and benefit from these important changes in the 
state of commerce and manufacture, for at this time no other 
country, Spain excepted, produced a better and more plentiful 
supply of wool. Hence it transpired that upon the ruins of the 
Spanish Netherlands many of the English clothing industries were 
established. 

The history of the English woollen manufacture, however, does 
not date from this period, as many writers have assumed, but it 
rather received an impetus with the emigration of the Flemish 
weavers. The first mention of English sheep and necessarily wool, 
according to early English records, dates from about the beginning 
of the 8th century- The existence of sheep in England at that 
time receives part confirmation by the severe measures which 
Edgar the Peaceful took in the middle of the 10th century to 
destroy their greatest enemies — wolves. At first the wool was 
chiefly exported, but eventually the people realised that they could 
use it themselves, for in the year 1100 a certain Thomas Cole is 
spoken of as the rich clothier of Reading, "whose wains filled with 
cloth crowded the highway between that town and London." 
Henry I. gratified Cole and his friends by making his own arm 
the standard measure of one yard. No sooner was wool plentiful 
in England and known to be valuable than it fell a victim to 
arbitrary power and monopoly which appears to have had its 
advent with commerce, for English wool until the beginning of the 
present century was not allowed to be exported free of duty — at 
first 5s. per sack was paid by the merchants, and in the days of 
Edward I. it had reached 40s. 

Edward III., observing the great gain to the Netherlands by the 
export of this wool, in memory whereof the Duke of Burgundy 



256 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



instituted the order of the Golden Fleece— where, indeed, the fleece 
was ours, the gold theirs, so vast was their emolument by the trade 
of clothing — resolved if possible to reduce the trade to this country, 
and so every protection was given to foreign manufacturers 
settling in England. About the same time it was enacted a felony 
to export wool, and it is said that the woolsacks still used in the 
House of Lords were originally placed there as seats to remind the 
Peers of the importance of the wool trade, the great staple at that 
time of England. 

Before the close of the long and happy rule of Edward III. the 
textile manufacturers and trade in general had reached, compared 
with the circumstances of the age, a mighty growth. Then com- 
menced that rivalry between the aristocracy and the trading classes 
which has continued without intermission to the present day. 
Previous to this wealth was the possession of few; now the 
genius of trade enriched thousands, conferred the dignity of rank 
upon merchants and manufacturers, spread the blessings of freedom 
and plenty, wealth, and security over the land, and raised from their 
slavish and dependent state the commonality to the condition of 
free Englishmen. 

In the early part of the reign of Henry VIII. John Winchcomb, 
a wealthy clothier (better known as Jack of Newberry), had 100 
looms and evidently 100 men to work them, for he supplied 100 
men all armed and clothed at his expense and marched them in 
the expedition to Flodden Field against the Scots. When Edward 
VI. was crowned King, the growth of w T ool had increased and the 
manufacture of woollens had developed and spread itself in London 
and the suburbs and to various parts of the country, notably Berks, 
Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Essex, Suffolk, Norwich, and Halifax, the 
last-named place receiving especial mention by Smith in his 
"Memoirs of Wool." The increase in cloth manufacture appears 
to have extended so largely that by the reign of Queen Mary there 
is scarcely any necessity to export wool, for the Customs received 
from wool sent out of the country had diminished almost to zero. 
In Elizabeth's reign, as almost every schoolboy knows, there were 
many interesting incidents of great national importance, notwith- 
standing w T hich the woollen trade did not remain at a standstill, 
but, on the contrary, it received its greatest impetus, with the 
exception of the introduction of power machinery at a later date. 
It was in this reign that several Flemish weavers — refugees from 
their native country — were encouraged to settle here in England 
and to follow the craft they had practised in Flanders, and which 
they could execute so well. The projected invasion of England by 
the Spanish Armada necessarily interfered with the commerce of 



257 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 

this country somewhat about this time, yet the trade of England 
at the close of the reign of Queen Elizabeth was nevertheless 
greater than at any previous period, though possibly not as great 
as some writers would have us believe, for very much has been 
said about this period and its advantages which many historians 
are liable to exaggerate when they get into the strain of descrip- 
tion. That the clothing trade of this country was great no one 
can deny. The English merchant adventurers alone exported 
kerseys and woollen cloths to the value of £1,000,000 in the year 
1601. In this reign the foreign trade of England was in the hands 
of three different companies, viz., "The Stillyard " (foreigners), 
" The Merchants of the Staple," and "The Merchant Adventurers" 
(English), each of which had granted to them certain privileges in 
trade, for which favour they paid to the Kings various sums of 
money. As recently as the year 1890 the arms of this ancient 
company of merchant adventurers could be seen in Halifax, carved 
over the entrance o f a shop now demolished ; their armorial bear- 
ings may still be seen over the entrance of Fossgate Hall, York. 
In the reign of Henry VIII. an Act was passed to prohibit the 
exportation of white undressed cloth, i.e., cloth undyed and un- 
finished. The Dutch appear to have been more expert in this art 
than the English; but in Elizabeth's reign this Act was ignored, a 
licence being granted to the merchant adventurers. Subsequently, 
in the reign of James I., an alderman, whose name was Cockayne, 
together with several rich Londoners, obtained from the King a 
patent for the sole right to dye and finish all cloths. The Dutch, 
however, retaliated and prohibited absolutely the importation of 
English " dyed dress cloths," with the result that the English 
trade suffered, and the principal argument used by Cockayne and 
his friends, viz., that " the Dutch could not dispense with English 
cloth in whatever shape it should please the nation to send it," 
was proved to be worthless. There was gradually a feeling and 
an opinion gaining credence throughout England that English 
wool was superior to all other which it will be well to take note 
of, because, as will presently be seen, this belief was the cause of 
great and innumerable strifes betwixt wool growers and woollen 
manufacturers, or, in other words, between the landed aristocracy 
and the commercial men. During the existence of Alderman 
Cockayne's patent the price of wool fell and the exports diminished 
to such an extent that his patent was repealed and the previous 
privilege of the merchant adventurers restored. But there are 
always other factors which materially contribute to the prosperity 
of the national industries and the well-being of the nation itself. 
Not the least among these is that of civil and religious liberty; 
hence Archbishop Laud's intolerance and too rigid injunctions to 

18 



258 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



the "Act of Conformity" frightened thousands of descendants of 
Protestants from foreign lands, but now living in England, as well 
as Englishmen themselves, out of this country into other lands, and 
singularly enough they travelled westward as their ancestors (from 
the Continent) had done before, and settled principally in the New 
England States. Many of these forced emigrants were manufac- 
turers or experts in the art of weaving cloth, and so it happened, 
as it generally does happen, persecution drove out the best and 
most independent spirits and all those who chose to leave their 
native soil and fight the battle of life in possibly less favoured 
climes rather than sacrifice their principles or religious beliefs. 
Whatever reasons may be assigned, the decline of English manu- 
facturing was now certain, for the total annual exports in 1612 
and 1613 were about 2-| millions, whilst at the end of the fifty years 
which followed, instead of increasing, they had fallen to about 
two millions annually. Then there followed an Act of Parliament 
to prohibit the exportation of wool, since there was an idea abroad 
that most foreign-made cloths were made either in part or whole 
from English wool. In support of this Act it was urged that there 
could not be any cloth made which was worth the name unless 
it contained at least some mixture of English wool, which at 
that time was much superior for the purpose than could be 
obtained elsewhere, but this contention in the light of subsequent 
events appears very much exaggerated. 

In the year 1668 a man named Brewer, with about fifty Walloons, 
was encouraged by the King to commence a manufacturing and 
dyeing works in England for fine woollen cloth. During the year 
1669 the exports had increased to 2f millions, but towards the 
latter part of the reign of Charles II. the woollen manufacture had 
again declined, and as a consequence the price of English wool 
depreciated, which at that time was a serious loss to England, for 
then wool constituted the foundation of her riches. Various 
artificial means were attempted to remedy this decline, the most 
notable being in the early part of the reign of James I., when it 
was enacted that all persons in England should wear woollen 
clothing for at least six months in the year; but the French 
appear to have got the most benefit from this Act, for within the 
short space of three years they exported to England cloths to the 
value of £4,000,000, which practically overstocked the English 
market. 

In 1699 an Act was passed to reduce the duty on exported 
woollens, and in this year the amount of woollen exports is given 
a/t £3,000,000, the largest ever known up to this time. Again, in 
1703, the exports from England almost reached £3,000,000, and 
during the same year England concluded a treaty with Portugal to 



259 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 

admit English woollens on more advantageous terms, shortly after 
which, in 1708, the English woollen manufacturing is found to be 
in a nourishing state. The average woollen export from England 
during the years 1718 to 1724 was nearly £3,000,000. The next 
increase that is noticed is from 1738 to 1713, when the average 
is about £3,500,000; whilst during the next ten years, 1714 
to 1754, the exports rose to an average of £3,725,000 each 
year, which seems to imply that the woollens made for the 
past half century had been increasing in volume of importance 
and trade all along the line, though true, perhaps, not in 
any fixed ratio — trade seldom if ever does. It is interesting to 
note here that at this period it was contended that £10 worth of 
English wool when manufactured into cloth was in value equal to 
£60, i.e., England reaped the benefit of £50 in labour from the 
efforts of her countrymen. This argument was used to further the 
policy of prohibiting the exportation of English and Irish wool to 
foreign parts. 

About this time the spinning and manufacturing of woven 
fabrics of all kinds were slowly but surely giving birth to modifi- 
cations of methods for manipulating the raw material into yarn, 
which were destined eventually to completely revolutionise the 
trade and commerce of Britain. For ages the only mode of 
spinning yarn was by the aid of the " distaff," which method may 
be described as follows: The "distaff" was a short thick stick or 
shaft, one end of which was held under the left arm of the spinner, 
whilst the other held the wool which was ready to be drawn out 
into a thread, both hands being at liberty to work the wool. The 
first few inches of the wool would probably be drawn out and 
twisted by the fingers only ; this prepared end was then attached 
to a suspended spindle which was made to revolve and was usually 
made of wood about 15 inches in length, one end being weighted 
chiefly with gypsum. The spindle was employed partly to draw 
out the thread and to assist, by its tendency to twirl, to impart to 
the drawn out thread a sufficient twist as would enable the 
material to hold together in its attenuated form. This mode of 
working, or something very similar, was probably employed by the 
ancients for a very considerable period previous to the invention of 
the one-thread spinning wheel (see Plate 2), which it is supposed 
was first introduced into this country by a baker of the name of 
Jurgens in the year 1520. A similar mode of spinning was in use 
at and before this time in India, but this was somewhat inferior to 
that of the European method. 

At the time to which we now refer the one-wheel spinning 
method does not appear to have met with universal favour or 



260 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



come to the knowledge of all, for Dyer, an English poet, who 
wrote " The Fleece " in the year 1757, says: — 

And many yet adhere 
To the ancient distaff at the bosom fixed, 
Casting the whirling spindle as they walk ; 
At home, or in the sheepfold, or the mart, 
Alike the work proceeds. 

The system of weaving was still performed upon the old treadle 
loom (see Plate 4), power-loom weaving not having yet been intro- 
duced into practice. Primitive as were the methods of the weaver, 
he was always waiting for yarn from the spinner. This difficulty 
was increased when, in 1738, John Kay, a native of Bury, in 
Lancashire, introduced what was then called the "fly shuttle." 
He was residing among the woollen weavers at Colchester when 
he first conceived the idea, and by the application of his discovery 
they were enabled to produce double the amount of cloth than 
heretofore. The method adopted prior to Kay's invention was to 
wind the weft on a stick or lath which was grooved at the end so 
as to hold a sufficient length of yarn, the stick containing the weft 
being continually passed through the opening in the warp by hand, 
similar to the principle illustrated at Plate 3. By adding an extra 
length to each side of the going part (that portion which is 
employed to beat up the weft into the cloth) and adopting a 
suitable shuttle to fit the size of the opening and the dimensions 
of the boxes at opposite sides of the loom the shuttle was made 
to travel rapidly, or "fly," through the opening in the warp, 
technically called " shed," being received and remaining stationary 
in the shuttle box at the opposite end of the loom ready for the 
next pick. This simple picking invention enabled one weaver to 
weave greater widths of cloth than hitherto. Some broadcloths 
which had previously required two men to produce them could now 
be made by one person. I have seen the old method of picking in 
use, and it is still employed and preferred in the manufacture of 
chenille rugs which are woven by hand, even though power is used 
in the same room. 

The invention of John Kay only aggravated the difficulty of 
the weaver to obtain a sufficient supply of weft from the spinners. 
The inventor was, however, so threatened with persecution by 
workmen who feared that they would lose their employment that 
he fled to Paris for safety, and thus experienced the first of what 
subsequently transpired to be the beginning of a series of persecu- 
tions against inventors and their discoveries. Though Kay took 
his invention to his native town, Bury, it was not much used in 
the cotton trade until the year 1760, during which year his son, 



261 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 

Bobert Kay, so improved the original mechanism that the weaver 
could weave any colour of two or more shades at will. This motion 
he called the "drop-box," which principle is employed to-day not 
only in the manufacture of fancy woollens, but in most fancy 
woven fabrics. Thus it will be understood that the one-thread 
wheel, though an improvement upon the ancient distaff, was 
totally inadequate to meet the demand created by the improved 
methods in weaving. The mode of spinning on this single-thread 
wheel is not difficult to understand; there were only two operations 
after the material had been prepared by the hand carder, whose 
object was and always has been to thoroughly open and disentangle 
the close and matted locks of wool. The fundamental principle 
in the " carding "' consists in completely separating and disarranging 
the natural order of the wool fibres and in rearranging them artifi- 
cially. The methods adopted to accomplish this object have been 
very numerous, but our present purpose will be best served by a 
brief description of the hand cards (see Plate 1). The old hand 
cards were made of wood, and were usually about one foot long by 
five inches broad, having a handle about the middle, and were 
covered with card clothing, the clothing being usually made of thin 
leather, through which were fixed a considerable number of small 
wires of equal length and about half an inch long. These wires 
were bent at a point about midway from the leather foundation, so 
as to give them a certain amount of spring or elasticity, and their 
points were ground to a shape which enabled them to either "card" 
the wool, i.e., pierce it and work it, or strip it from off the card. 
The simple process consisted in holding one of the cards stationary, 
say, upon the knee of the person using it, and then filling it with 
as much wool as could be conveniently worked. The wire points 
of the other card were now brought into contact with those con- 
taining the wool, but held so that the points were opposed in direc- 
tion to those which were stationary, and the operation was 
continued until the carder thought that he had sufficiently opened 
and thoroughly mixed the different lengths of wool fibres, after 
which the two cards were held in a vertical position, and by a 
gentle and peculiar working of them, with the wire teeth all point- 
ing in the same direction, the carded wool was made into a roll 
equal to the length of each card, which was now ready for the 
spinning wheel. (A photograph of two hand cards, together with 
a roll of prepared wool, is shown in Plate 1.) The two operations 
already referred to in regard to the spinning were roving and spin- 
ning. First, the rolls of carded wool were separately applied to the 
spindle, which was made to revolve by the spinner turning the 
wheel with the right hand, whilst with the left she held and 
gradually attenuated the roll of carded wool into thick threads, 



262 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



which were subsequently wound on the spindle and made into 
"cops," to be afterwards drawn out into a finer thread by a 
repetition of the above process. By means of the spindle 
revolving, and one end of the material being held in the spinner's 
hand, twist was put in at each operation of attenuating the 
material. Though this method was capable of producing six or 
seven times the amount of yarn that could be spun by the aid of 
the distaff, it was, as already shown, incapable of meeting the 
demands of the weavers. Curiously enough, the time was not 
now far distant when these two factors should be reversed. 

Inventive genius was already contriving a method of spinning 
by rollers, whereby a considerable number of threads could be 
made at the same time with a machine which required but one 
pair of hands to work it. John Wyatt, of Birmingham, appears to 
have first conceived the idea of this system of spinning about the 
year 1730, and afterwards, in 1733, he made a model by which he 
savs he spun the first thread ever produced without human fingers. 
In 1738 Lewis Paul, a foreigner, who became the financial partner 
of John Wyatt, procured a patent "To make use of and exercise a 
new invented machine for the spinning of wool and cotton in a 
manner entirely new," &c. Though Wyatt and Paul used these 
machines in a spinning mill at Northampton with varying degrees 
of success, it was left for Kichard Arkwright, a poor barber of 
Preston, to reap the greatest advantage from the invention. By 
dint of perseverance and inventive ingenuity Arkwright produced, 
perfected, and patented a machine in 1769 which, though first used 
for the spinning of cotton, was afterwards adapted and employed in 
the woollen trade, and eventually enabled England to supply almost 
the whole world with the nation's staple industry. Arkwright's 
ultimate personal reward was fame, position, wealth, and a knight- 
hood. Though he never admitted in the great trials which took 
place in the year 1785 that he had ever seen the productions of the 
previous inventors, Wyatt and Paul, yet it is quite probable he had 
seen a model of Wyatt's, and it is certain that spinning by rollers 
had been accomplished many years before Arkwright took out his 
patent, as is proved by Paul's patent previously referred to and 
also by the following few lines written by Dyer in his poem " The 
Fleece," published in 1757, which evidently has reference to Paul's 
machine : — 

But patient art, 
That on experience works from hour to hour, 
Sagacious, has a spiral engine form d, 
Which on an hundred spoles, an hundred threads, 
With one huge wheel, by lapse of water, twines, 
Few hands requiring; easy tended work, 
That copiously supplies the greedy loom. 



263 



HISTOEICALLY AND COMMEECIALLY CONSIDERED. 

Though Arkwright is not entitled to all the merit which some 
writers have claimed for him, he possessed very high inventive 
talent, as well as much sagacity, which is evidenced by his faculty 
of estimating the true value of the mechanical inventions of others 
and of combining and perfecting them and so turning them to 
practical advantage. In his specification of the patent he obtained 
on July 15, 1769, he recites that he had " by great study and long 
application invented a new piece of machinery never before found 
out, practised, or used, for the making of weft or yarn from cotton, 
flax, or wool, which would be of great utility to a great many 
manufacturers, by making the said weft or yarn much superior in 
quality to any heretofore manufactured." 

There is yet another spinning invention that will always stand 
out as a great historical event, and which is always deserving of 
note in any descriptive history of the development of mechanisms 
for making yarns and manufacturing cloths. The machine referred 
to is known as Hargreaves's Spinning Jenny, which was capable of 
spinning "roving" into yarn. Hargreaves contrived a frame in one 
part of which he placed eight rovings in a vertical row ; similarly, 
in another part he had a row of eight spindles. The rovings were 
extended to the spindles and passed between two horizonal bars of 
wood, which could easily be adjusted to nip and hold the roving 
threads between them. With the left hand the horizontal bars of 
wood could be drawn along the horizontal frame for a suitable 
distance from the spindles, thus attenuating the roving threads ; 
simultaneously the right hand turned a wheel which made all the 
spindles revolve rapidly, and so the fibres were made to twist 
round each other during the time of the attenuation of the rovings, 
by which means the requisite fineness of yarn could be obtained. 
After each drawing-out the yarn was wound upon the spindle and 
the process was repeated. This method differs so completely from 
either Wyatt's or Arkwright 's that there is no doubt about it being 
a perfectly original invention, and undoubtedly, too, this last 
invention is the root idea of the modern mule spinning frame, which 
to-day is probably the most wonderful machine in the whole range 
of textile mechanics. 

Crompton, the inventor of the mule, learnt to spin on Har- 
greaves's Jenny. Hargreaves was an illiterate man and of humble 
circumstances, being a weaver at a small village named Standhill, 
near Blackburn. At first he only spun weft for the use of his own 
household. Though he must have been conscious of the great 
value of his machine as an invention, he did not attempt to patent 
it at first. But his wonderful and productive discovery could not 
long remain a secret, and it soon became rumoured abroad that he 



264 




had this mechanism in his house, hut, instead of receiving credit 
and encouragement for his wonderful invention, a crowd broke into 
his dwelling and destroyed his "Jenny," besides which he suffered 
much persecution at the hands of his competitors and the villagers. 
Eventually he was obliged to flee from his native county and take 
up his abode in Nottingham. As already stated, his machine was 
originally made with eight spindles, but when he subsequently 
took out a patent in 1770 it contained sixteen spindles, and these 
were afterwards increased to 120. 

Hargreaves, like Wyatt, Paul, and Arkwright, only experienced 
the persecution of the mob which was characteristic of the period. 
Mankind has generally been slow to acknowledge and reward the 
merits of inventions. When inventors have failed in their projects 
they have sometimes been pitied; when they have succeeded they 
have frequently been subjected to persecution, envy, and hatred, in 
addition to having to stand by and behold that which has cost 
them a life of unremitting energy and increasing toil being besieged 
and destroyed by an infuriated crowd just at the moment when 
success seemed certain. Sometimes comparatively insignificant 
defects have been seen and seized by other inventors, who have 
improved and placed them upon the market in a more perfect and 
practical condition, for which simple improvement they have 
received the bulk of the rewards. An invention is frequently only 
brought to perfection by various contributions from experimentalists, 
and then it becomes very difficult to determine the respective 
portions to each author, and frequently the original inventor 
becomes bankrupt in consequence of the long development of his 
original plan. 

The preparation of the roving — that is, of the material previous 
to the spinning process — was still very imperfect, but the hand 
system of carding was gradually being supplanted by improvements 
in mechanical carding. 

Without discussing the immediate modification of hand carding 
we will only notice the radical change in the system of carding 
which received its finality of idea in the "rotary system," and 
which, therefore, embodies the principle in use to-day, all subse- 
quent improvements having been only modifications of details ; the 
fundamental principles still remain intact. The first patent in the 
rotary system of carding wool or cotton is traceable to Lewis Paul, 
referred to previously, and is of the date 1748, but it did not 
become generally known nor applied until the sixties and seventies 
of the same century. Most of the improvements in preparing the 
roving by carding and the yarn by spinning were first more 
generally adapted for the preparing and spinning of cotton, hence 



265 




we note that the woollen manufacture, which for generations past 
had been the staple industry of England, was silently but surely 
being outstripped in the commercial struggle for supremacy. 
Eventually, however, the carding and spinning operations were 
generally introduced and adopted by the woollen manufacturers of 
England. Benjamin Gott, a woollen manufacturer, of Leeds, is 
variously reported to have been the first to apply these machines 
successfully. His firm adopted them on a much larger scale than 
any had done heretofore, Lewis Paul included. Meanwhile the 
volume of manufactures from wool was considerable, but fluctua- 
ting, as will be seen from the summary below, gleaned from the 
inspectors' reports of that period. These inspectors were appointed 
in the year 1765 to inspect, measure, and mark all cloths when 
they left the fulling mill, and to keep a proper register of the same. 
By an order of the House of Commons in 1777 an account was 
made from their books of the woollen goods of all sorts which were 
exported in the years 1772 to 1776, inclusive, and is as follows: — 

In the vear 1772 4*5 millions were exported. 

>, 1773 387 

1774 4-33 

1775 4-22 

1776 3-86 

At the time of the American War in 1775 an interesting incident 
happened which revealed the superiority of English manufactured 
woollens as compared with the French, Dutch, and others. France 
lent a sum of money to the American Congress for the purpose of 
clothing the troops of the latter. France naturally expected to 
receive the orders for the manufacture of the army clothing, but 
Mr. Lawrence, the American official appointed to order the clothing, 
went to Holland and purchased English cloths and forwarded 
them to his country. The French remonstrated, but Mr. Lawrence 
justified his conduct by saying that it was his duty to do the best 
he could with the money at his disposal, and that "the English 
cloths of the same price were, in his estimation, much better than 
the French." In the manufacture of coarse cloths, however, a 
German, as recorded in Woolrich's correspondence, states that he 
could sell at 20 per cent less than they could purchase the English 
cloth of similar make, but he admits that the finer sorts of English 
makes were superior to those of his own country. 

It will be found of general interest at this stage to note the 
average cost of cleansing wool, spinning yarn, and weaving white 
broad woollen cloth, the same being an extract from the particulars 
prepared by John Wood, of Leeds (White Cloth Hall), and 



266 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



presented to a Select Committee of Inquiry at which the manu- 
facturers of England showed just cause why an extra import duty 
should not he put upon German and foreign linens in favour of 
Scotch and Irish linens, the English woollen manufacturers being 
afraid the Germans would retaliate, which they threatened to do 
if the duty upon linen was passed. 

In 1774, 61bs. of spinning warp cost 2s. 6d. 

61bs. ,, ,, weft ,, Is. 2d. 

,, weaving one string (10 feet) ... ,, 8d. 

,, cleansing one stone of wool ... ,, 6d. 

In 1769 these prices had been respectively 2s. 10d., Is. 4d., 10d., 
and 9d. 

Similar tables of statistics were forwarded from different parts 
of the woollen centres of England, which showed there would be 
considerable difficulty in retaining the foreign markets if the pro- 
posed import duty on linen goods was carried. Eventually the 
proposal was defeated in the House of Commons by 129 votes to 
63, with the further result that the Germans made concessions of 
considerable advantage to English woollen manufacturers. The 
manufacture of fine woollens, i.e., the cloth now known and 
occasionally referred to as the old superfine cloths, was gradually 
developing, while the coarser woollen manufactures were depressed 
and decreasing. A curious proposition emanated from Gloucester, 
the author of which was the Dean, then Dean Tucker. He said: 
" The common and middle classes of this country being for the 
most part above wearing our own coarse woollens and worsteds, 
we must endeavour to raise up such a generation of men, women, 
and children as shall be obliged by their station in life to be clad 
in such garments as are made out of coarse wools, and to use such 
sorts of goods for their bedding and furniture." The suggestion is 
so retrograde in its tendency as to require no comment except, 
perhaps, that the Dean ought to have been made to wear and 
use the same himself. The development in the fine woollen trade 
caused the manufacturers to use more of the fine Spanish merino 
and short clothing wool generally; hence the short clothing wool 
began to gradually rise, while the long coarse and also combing 
wool depreciated in value, so much so that English wool growers, 
especially of the coarser and longer sorts, accumulated large 
unsaleable stocks. They, therefore, began in 1781 to agitate 
for a repeal of the law which then prohibited the exportation of 
English wool, and which they asserted was accountable for the 
low price of the same. As a consequence much excitement was 
manifested among both the wool growers and the manufacturers. 
Accordingly the merchants and manufacturers of England, and 



267 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 

especially of Yorkshire, held a special meeting at the Moot Hall, 
Leeds, to discuss ways and means to be employed in defeating the 
efforts of the wool growers. It was contended that one pack of 
English wool would enable the manufacturers of France and 
Flanders to work up eight to ten packs of their own by mixing the 
two kinds, and thus rival this country in cheapness and quality. 
On the contrary, the English wool grower could obtain much 
higher prices from the foreigner, and in consequence of the 
depressed state of home manufactures it was most desirable, from 
his point of view, to export the English wool. The agitation 
increased and the excitement became intense, and numerous meet- 
ings of both parties were held throughout the country. Sir John 
Dalrymple ably put the points for the wool grower when he said, 
"It is to the advantage of a State to work up its own material 
. but if from any cause of peace or war it fails to consume 
the supply, then it is to the advantage of the State to export it if a 
market can be found." English wool had within two or three 
years, 1778-1781, fallen from 15s. to 9s. per 281bs. One corre- 
spondent of the Wool Growers' Association admitted and described 
the woollen manufacturing as " That ancient, that fundamental 
support of Great Britain." Very many letters were written, 
pamphlets issued, speeches delivered, and much evidence given on 
both sides, but, judging from several copies of the correspondence 
I have read, the wool growers appear to have had the best of the 
argument, for no manufacture can be really beneficial to a State 
which stands in need of a monopoly of the produce of the country. 
An extract from a speech made by Lord Cooke as far back as 1621 is 
very appropriate for this period — or any other, in fact: — "Freedom 
of trade is the life of trade, and monopolies and restrictions on 
trade do overthrow trade." Nevertheless, the influence of the 
manufacturers and the case they presented evidently convinced 
Parliament that to allow the exportation of English wool would be 
more detrimental to the woollen manufacturers of England than it 
would be advantageous to the farmers to export it. Consequently, 
there was great rejoicing among the woollen manufacturers, espe- 
cially at Leeds, where the parish bells were set ringing when it 
became known that the measure prohibiting the exportation of 
wool was confirmed. 

But there were other factors which accounted very largely for 
the decrease in the price of English wool, the chief being the 
increase of sheep in England without a corresponding increase in 
demand. Gregory King, an authority on sheep, said that in 1698 
there were 12,000,000 sheep shorn in England; the Gentleman's 
Magazine for the year 1741 gives the number as 16,000,000; whilst 
Arthur Young, a writer on sheep and wool, computes that there 



268 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



were 25,500,000 sheep in England in the year 1782. Further, the 
importation of fine Spanish wool was on the increase, the average 
being : — 

Lbs. 

1779 to 1782 inclusive 1,578,085 

1783 to 1784 „ 2,116,183 

1785 to 1787 „ 2,966,389 

Consequently, it is no surprise to find the English agriculturists 
turning their attention to Spanish merinoes. King George III. 
took the initiative himself, and imported a few merino sheep from 
Spain in the year 1786; later, in the year 1792, he added a few 
more, and during this period the English farmers were indefatigable 
in their endeavour to improve the English fleece and sheep, but 
they never succeeded in supplanting the Spanish wool by home- 
grown — the soil and climate is not suitable. In 1790 the import 
of Spanish wool into this country was about 4,000,0001bs., and in 
1840 it amounted to over 50,000,000 lbs. ; but merino sheep having 
been introduced into the Colonies, and finding there a suitable soil 
and climate, especially in Australia, we now derive our largest 
supply of wool from that country. 

Lbs. 
In the year 1810 we imported from that colony ... 167 

1850 ,. „ „ ... 39,000,000 

1898 „ „ „ ...690,000,000 

The volume of trade in woollens does not appear during the 
last decade of the eighteenth century to have made very definite 
progress, though in the year 1799 the exports of all kinds of 
woollen goods exceeded 6,000,000, the official returns for the 
previous nine years being: — 



Year. 


Millions. 


Year. 


Millions. 


Year. 


Millions. 


1790... 


52 


1793... 


3-8 


1796... 


60 


1791... 


55 


1794... 


4-4 


1797... 


4-9 


1792... 


55 


1795... 


52 


1798... 


6-5 



The invention of weaving by power was not, however, applied 
generally to the manufacture of woollens on a large scale until far 
into the present century; nevertheless, it would be inappropriate 
to omit a reference to the introduction of weaving by power, and, 
since all manufactured woven fabrics have a common origin, it is 
difficult to discourse on one without a reference to the others, for 
it should be noted that power-loom weaving was first applied suc- 
cessfully to the weaving of cotton by Dr. Edmund Cartwright, of 
Doncaster, formerly of Kent. Previous attempts had been made 



269 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 



with varying degrees of success and failure, especially the latter, 
by De Gennes, a French naval officer, as well as by Yaucanson, 
also a Frenchman, and others. But when, by the introduction of 
Arkwright's spinning machinery, the cotton spinners were able to 
more than supply the requirements of the weaving branch, it 
became manifest that some advancement must be made to increase 
the production of woven fabrics. There is also ample evidence to 
prove that this kind of reasoning induced Dr. Cartwright to make 
his first attempt to weave by power, the circumstances connected 
therewith being best recorded in his own words and from a letter 
he wrote to a Mr. Bannatyne, which ran as follows : — 

Happening to be at Matlock in the summer of 1784, 1 fell in company with 
some gentlemen of Manchester, when the conversation turned on Arkwright's 
spinning machinery. One of the company observed that as soon as Arkwright's 
patent expired so many mills would be erected and so much cotton spun that 
hands never could be found to weave it. To this observation I replied that 
Arkwright must then set his wits to work to invent a weaving mill. This 
brought on a conversation on the subject, in which the Manchester gentlemen 
unanimously agreed that the thing was impracticable; and. in defence of their 
opinion, they adduced arguments which I certainly was incompetent to answer. 
or even to comprehend, being totally ignorant of the subject, having never at 
that time seen a person weave. I controverted, however, the impracticability 
of the thing by remarking that there had lately been exhibited in London an 
automaton figure which played at chess. " Now. you will not assert, gentle- 
men." said I, " that it is more difficult to construct a machine that shall weave 
than one which shall make all the variety of moves required in that compli- 
cated game."' Some little time afterwards, a particular circumstance recalling 
this conversation to my mind, it struck me that, as in plain weaving, according 
to the conception I then had of the business, there could only be three move- 
ments, which were to follow each other in succession, there would be little 
difficulty in producing and repeating them. Full of these ideas, I immediately 
employed a carpenter and smith to carry them into effect. As soon as the 
machine was finished I got a weaver to put in the warp, which was of such 
materials as sailcloth is usually made of. To my great delight a piece of cloth. 
such as it was, was the produce. As I had never before turned my thoughts to 
anything mechanical either in theory or practice, nor had ever seen a loom at 
work or knew anything of its construction, you will readily suppose that my 
first loom was a most rude piece of machinery. The warp was placed perpen- 
dicularly, the reed fell with the weight of at least half a hundredweight, 
and the springs which threw the shuttle were strong enough to have thrown a 
Congreve rocket. In short, it required the strength of two powerful men to 
work the machine at a slow rate and only for a short time. Conceiving, in my 
great simplicity, that I had accomplished all that was required, I then secured 
what I thought a most valuable patent. 4th of April, 17S5. This being done, I 
then condescended to see how other people wove ; and vou will guess rnv 
astonishment when I compared their easy modes of operation with mine. 
Availing myself, however, of what I then saw, I made a loom in its general 
principles nearly as they are now made. But it was not till the year 1787 that 
I completed my invention, when I took out my last weaving patent. August 1st 
of that year. 

The only necessary movements which Dr. Cartwright originally 
conceived to be requisite for the purpose of weaving were (1) A 



270 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



separation of the warp threads — "shedding;" (2) The throwing 
of the shuttle through this opening — "picking ; " and (3) "Beating 
up the weft," i.e., bringing the inserted weft close up to the cloth 
already woven. But two other movements must be added to 
satisfy the essential and first principles of automatic weaving, viz., 
"taking up" the cloth, i.e., regularly winding it on to a beam or 
roller, and "letting off" the warp in proportion to the amount of 
cloth taken up ; all other improvements and additions are secon- 
dary, for in order to weave by power there were many things 
necessary to be overcome which do not and could not enter into 
hand-loom weaving. To recite all these difficulties and attempts 
to overcome them would require much time and more space than 
I have at disposal, hence the following examples must suffice. 
The hand-loom weaver could stay his hand whenever the weft 
broke or was finished and required renewing, whereas in power- 
loom weaving the loom would go on repeating its motions without 
doing any real work, but, on the contrary, much damage, unless 
some automatic motion were applied to stop it when necessity 
required; also it was soon evident that " temples " must be applied 
to the loom which would hold the cloth at the proper tension and 
width without having to be moved, as was the case in the hand- 
loom. These, with the automatic winding up of the cloth and 
letting off of the warp threads, appear very simple to us at the 
present day, but it took up the greater part of a century to success- 
fully solve these problems. We may now leave these men of 
genius and inventors of all kinds to prosecute their researches and 
perfect their contrivances whilst we consider another phase of our 
subject. 

In the year 1800 a Bill was introduced into Parliament for 
the Union of the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland. There 
was a clause in the Bill which somewhat alarmed the woollen 
manufacturers of Great Britain. It stated — 

That from the first of January, 1801, all prohibitions and bounties on the 
export of articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of either country to the 
other shall cease and determine, and that the said articles shall thenceforth be 
exported from one to the other without duty or bounty on such exports. 

Against this section of the proposal the cloth merchants, 
manufacturers, and others interested in the woollen trade presented 
a petition to Parliament praying that the above clause might be 
deleted. The following is a part of the petition and sufficiently 
illustrates the point at issue : — 

That your petitioners humbly conceive and believe that the growth of wool 
in Great Britain is not sufficient to supply the manufacturers thereof with a 
quantity equal to the present demand for home consumption and foreign 
markets, so that if any part be suffered to be taken away your pstitioners and 



271 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 

the manufacturers must experience very great injury ... in case British 
wool should be permitted to be exported, that, under pretence of carrying it to 
Ireland, great quantities would be conveyed to foreign countries without the 
possibility of prevention, especially in times of peace. 

An amendment for deleting that part of the measure which applied 
to the free exportation of English wool to Ireland was lost by 133 
votes to 53, and the clause consequently passed as part of the 
original Bill, so that indirectly the wool growers of England 
obtained the advantage. 

But, meanwhile, there were other factors as work which, viewed 
from our present point of vantage ground, were calculated to injure 
the English wool growers. Formerly the wool obtained from the 
sheep of England was shorter and liner and, therefore, better 
adapted to the manufacture of woollen than worsted yarn, for this 
latter, owing to the combing then being done by hand, required a 
staple of about six inches in length. When the land enclosures 
which took place, together with the improved methods of husbandry, 
caused a considerable alteration in the character of the sheep, their 
carcases and fleeces becoming heavier in many parts of England, 
then the wool gradually partook more of the nature of the long- 
wool sheep, so that the agriculturists were in a less favourable 
position to supply the increasing demand for fine wool. In vain 
they endeavoured to produce a quality of wool that would satisfy 
the makers of superfine cloth, and it is no wonder they were dis- 
couraged after the strenuous efforts they put forth ; anyhow, they 
failed to obtain the same price for their merino wool as was paid 
for the Spanish and Saxony, but this they attributed to the pre- 
judice of the manufacturers rather than to an inferior quality of 
their produce. As a remedy they agitated for the imposition of a 
tax on imported foreign wool, but this was met by determined and 
combined opposition from those interested in manufacture and 
exchange, and finally a Select Committee of the House of Commons 
(1816) decided in favour of the latter party. But out of the fore- 
going the vexed question of direct exportation of English wool 
once more came to the front. All the advocates in favour of non- 
exportation of wool laid stress upon the importance and wealth- 
producing process of manufacturing; for in the manufacture, they 
said, the raw wool became worth several times its original value, 
and that when made into cloth it was only another form of export- 
ing the wool from which the nation ultimately reaped the benefit. 
But Lord Milton, who was at the head of the wool growers, wisely 
retorted, " When the manufacturer refuses to buy, what is the 
grower to do ? ' ' Evidently there was only one thing possible : 
either he must export his wool or else turn his attention to the 
production of other articles of produce. 



272 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



This proposition of the agriculturists, with a subsequent 
attempt in April, 1818, to impose a tax upon imported foreign wool, 
was on each occasion defeated. These persistent and determined 
efforts of the landed aristocracy to obtain protective duties on im- 
ported wool, to which might be added corn, constantly kept them 
and the manufacturers antagonistic in principles of political economy, 
for the latter class maintained that the high price of corn, &c, 
increased their expenses and so kept up the price of the goods they 
made. 

In 1819 it appears that the Government desired to raise 
£1,400,000, which they proposed to do by a tax on malt, but the 
landowners and agriculturists refused to allow this Bill to pass 
unless a tax should also be placed on imported wool. Accordingly 
they carried their point, and a tax of 6d. per lb. was levied in the 
House of Commons on June 18th, 1819, by a majority of 113. 
Immediately the woollen manufacturers throughout the country 
organised themselves and endeavoured to obtain a repeal of this 
measure, but their efforts at first seemed fruitless; in 1820 they 
reduced the above majority of 113 to 74, and still persisted in their 
efforts towards a repeal. It is interesting to note that it was as a 
result of these dogged, persevering, and combined efforts for a 
positive change in the laws relating to wool and woollens that the 
term "Radicals" originated. The official exportation of woollen 
goods after the imposition of the import duty showed a gradual 
decline, and the manufacturers contended that the tax on wool was 
limiting their exports. The fight was long and fierce, but ultimately 
the Government of Lord Liverpool was prepared to repeal the 
import duty on wool provided that no opposition to the free 
exportation of English wool was forthcoming. However, this 
affected the worsted more than the woollen trade, and the 
proposition met with much opposition from that branch of the 
industry. On May 22nd, 1824, the import duty on wool was 
reduced from 6d. to Id. per lb., whilst free exportation was 
admitted. Immediately afterwards the Right Hon. William 
Huskisson, President of the Board of Trade, evidently a person 
who interested himself in the commercial affairs of his country, 
began to see that the woollen manufacture, which, he said, was 
"the oldest industry in the country," should be liberated from all 
restrictions and left unfettered to make true progress in the world. 
No fewer than 100 statutes had been repealed within his memory, 
and he now proposed to reduce the duty on imported woollen 
cloths from 50 per cent to 15 per cent, and to give the manufac- 
turers an equivalent by reducing the duty on several imported 
wares used in the processes of manipulating, making, dyeing, and 
finishing woollen cloths. This arrangement met with little 



273 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 



hostility, and thus the manufacturers were placed on a much 
sounder footing than hitherto. Other fruitless attempts were made 
by the agriculturists to reimpose an import duty on raw wool, but 
little by little the restrictions on wool and woollen manufactures 
were redressed until finally they were all removed, perhaps for 
ever, by the adoption of the Free Trade policy of Cobden and 
Bright, which was applied to every department of British com- 
merce, and from then until the present time the maxim of the 
league, to "Buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest," 
has been accepted as the law of our commercial policv. 

Meanwhile the advent of machinery, its improvement and 
perfecting, had been making much progress. The woollen and all 
manufactures increased, and the manufacturers profited by the 
discoveries of Watt, Arkwright, Cartwright, and others, and 
according to Green, in his "History of the English People," at this 
time — 

The increase of wealth was indeed enormous. . . . Wheat rose to 
famine prices, and the value of the land rose in proportion with the price of 
wheat. Enclosures went on with prodigious rapidity; the income of every 
landowner was doubled, while the farmers were able to introduce improvements 
into the processes of agriculture which changed the whole face of the country. 
But if the increase of wealth was enormous, its distribution was partial. . 
Even manufactures, though destined in the long run to benefit the labouring 
classes, seemed at first rather to depress them. 

The days of the supremacy of the domestic manufacturer were 
now numbered; hitherto, the manufacture of cloth in England 
had been distributed very extensively throughout the country and 
was carried on by persons who made the goods in their own house- 
holds or shops, employing, in some instances, besides the members 
of their own families, a few other villagers. In addition there 
were two classes of merchants — those who simply bought "pieces" 
from the domestic manufacturer and the merchant manufacturer 
who used his capital in engaging other persons to make his goods. 
The manufacturer then attended the "Cloth Halls" to dispose of 
his goods, which were usually carried by "pack horses" to and 
from the wool and cloth fairs. 

At one time there was scarcely a county in Great Britain or 
Ireland where the manufacture of cloth was not carried on and 
flourished ; now there are many places where it has ceased to exist 
and where it is almost unknown. But it has always been the rule 
of commerce, and probably ever will be, that ancient and diffused 
methods must yield to the more scientific and utilitarian modes of 
operation. After the introduction and improvements in machinery 
more collective capital was found to be necessary, for large mills 
sprang up, many of which were financed by two, three, or more 

— — 



274 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



capitalists. The domestic and small manufacturers, together with 
a large proportion of the rural population, consequently migrated 
towards the centres where these mills were built and settled 
down around them in great masses. These centres were chosen 
by the manufacturer according to the advantage they presented 
for his work as regards access and condition of roads, rivers, 
or canals, together with cheapness of carriage to and from the 
cloth markets. 

With the exportation of merino sheep from Spain and England 
to the Cape, Australia, and other British colonies, as well as to 
foreign countries, and also of some of the English varieties, chiefly 
Lincoln, for crosses with the merino, we may safely state that the 
raw wool of to-day is the product of all countries more or less, and 
singularly enough no animal adapts itself so readily to the various 
countries and climes as does the sheep. 

Consequently, there are now great diversities and varieties of 
breeds of sheep, which necessarily produce innumerable qualities 
of wool, and which it would be impossible to define here. Generally 
speaking they may be classed under two heads — long woolled and 
short woolled sheep — all others being considered varieties of these 
two and obtained by crossing, climate, and pasture. The illustra- 
tion in Plate 5 shows a few typical varieties. 

There have been innumerable and many interesting contro- 
versies about long and short sheep. In the autobiography of 
James Hogg a good tale is told about Sir Walter Scott, at a time 
when this question was much to the fore, and when he had heard 
so much about it that it had become a bore. Sir Walter, "putting 
on his most serious calculating face, turned to Mr. Walter Bryden 
and said, ' I am rather at a loss regarding the merits of this very 
important question. How long must a sheep actually measure to 
come under the denomination of long sheep ? Mr. Bryden, who, 
in the simplicity of his heart, neither felt the quiz nor the reproof, 
fell to answer with great sincerity. 'It's the woo', sir; it's the 
woo' that makes the difference ; the lang sheep hae the short woo' 
and the short sheep hae the lang thing, and these are just kind of 
names we gie them, like.' Mr. Scott could not preserve his coun- 
tenance of strict calculation ; it went gradually away, and a hearty 
horse laugh followed." 

Of the long wools Lincoln, Leicester, Alpaca, and Mohair 
are typical examples, while among the shortest are the South- 
down (Sussex), the Australian, Cape, German, and American 
merinoes and Buenos Ayres. But there are also many varieties 
of wool in the same fleece; the finer and shorter is found 



27o 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 

on the forepart of the sheep, but it gradually gets longer and 
coarser as it descends to the under parts of the belly and towards 
the flanks. A single fleece is capable of yielding a dozen or more 
different sorts, and to divide the fleece into seven or eight different 
sorts was no uncommon thing, but now very often only three are 
made. 

In previous years the "wool staplers" purchased the wool 
from the farmers of England as well as abroad, and then sorted it 
into its various qualities or lengths and fineness of staple, retailing 
it to the domestic and small manufacturers according to their 
respective wants and the kinds of fabrics they made. 

Our present supply of wool, in addition to the English sorts, is 
largely obtained from the colonies, but foreign wool is also im- 
ported. When the colonial sheep are shorn the fleece is made 
into two or three sorts and packed in separate bales, in addition to 
which the cross breds are also packed in different lots, which 
require little or no sorting when received by the manufacturer. 
The wool is then shipped to the wool markets, of which London 
is the chief, although important wool sales are also conducted at 
Liverpool and Antwerp. London is chiefly concerned with the 
colonial wools from the Cape, Australia, and New Zealand. 
Liverpool takes chiefly the East Indian and Asiatic, such as 
Persian, Cashmere, and China wools. The South American wools, 
such as Buenos Ayres and Eiver Plate, are mostly dealt with on 
the Continent at Antwerp. In London six series of sales are held 
during each year, viz., in January, March, May, July, September, 
and November. The date, duration, and order of selling are 
settled by the wool brokers. The' list of acceptances is usually 
closed about eight days before the sales of each respective month. 
The wools for each day's sale are on view from 8 a.m. till 4 p.m. 
They are sometimes stored at the warehouses, but chiefly at 
the. docks. Every bale of wool is shown, and they are tiered 
in long rows, three bales high, with an aisle between them 
six feet wide. In every aisle is a table on which may be placed 
any samples that the buyer may draw from the bales for 
examination. The canvas is cut at the corners of each bale, 
and buyers can cut open and pull the wool out of as many 
bales as they wish. Every bale bears a ticket showing the lot 
number, clip mark, and number of the bale. The wools are very 
carefully graded, the different qualities, also the "ewes" and 
"wethers," the "combing" and "clothing," being packed 
separately. The wools are carefully skirted, i.e., the short wool 
growing round the necks, legs, and belly of the sheep being 
taken off and packed in separate bales. The sales commence at 



276 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



four o'clock. All prices are net cash for purchases within fourteen 
days after date of invoice, which day is known as " prompt day." 
Each buyer has also to pay to the broker as " lot money " Is. for 
each lot of wool purchased. Most spinners and manufacturers 
commission wool brokers to make their purchases, the rate of 
commission charged being ^ per cent, in addition to J per cent 
brokerage. 

Lots of one, two, and three bales are termed " star lots," and 
are usually left until the end of the day's sale; a buyer having 
purchased a lot has the option of taking the next and succeeding 
lots unless his price be exceeded or he declares. The various lots 
on offer are usually designated, first, by the country or part where 
the wool has come from, e.g., Buenos Ayres and Saxony, or the 
port from which it was shipped, e.g., Port Philip, Adelaide, and 
Sydney; second, by a special mark, which may be of letters or other 
form or a combination of both, e.g. : — 

"TRAWALLA," "WWW," <3> &c. 

A, 

These names and marks enable buyers to identify the exporters 
of the wool and assist them to estimate its value as they look 
through the bales at the warehouses. In the case of bales bearing 
well-known marks, the buyer can rely upon the wool being of 
the same quality throughout. 

The extent of British trade in imported wool during the last 
five years may be seen from the following official particulars, but, 
since very large quantities of foreign and colonial wool are 
purchased at the London wool sales for re-exportation to various 
manufacturing countries throughout the world, the amount 
re-exported is also given herewith, together with the total left for 
home consumption. 

IMPORTS OF SHEEP AND LAMBS ' WOOL ONLY.* 



Colonial 
Foreign 



Total 

Re-exported 

Left for home 
consumption . . 



1894. 



1895. 



Lbs. Lbs. 

619,176,074 660,046,377 

81,374,188 110,908,826 



700,550,262 
344,949,461 



355,600,801 



770,955,203 
404,187,913 



366,767,290 



1896. 



Lbs. 

616,895,464 

96,679,709 



713,575,173 
334,403,903 



1897. 



Lbs. 
613,145,259 
122,482,161 



735,627,420 
370,841,212 



379,171,270 364,786,208 



1898. 



Lbs. 
579,309,422 
110,136,717 



689,446,139 
282,799,721 



406,646,418 



Alpaca, llama, vicuna, mohair, and goat wool not included. 



i^77 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 



VALUE OF IMPORTS. 



1894. 



1895. 



1896. 



1897. 



ls<-. 



£ £ £ 

Colonial 22,055.240 22,267,141 21.550.608 

Foreign 2,735,921 3.758,819 3,107,738 



Total 24,791,161 26,025.960 24,958,346 

Re-exported.... 13,475,048 15,137,236 12,236,339 



Left for home 
consumption.. 11,316,113 10,888,724 12,722.007 



20.423.048 
4,013,823 



19,896,934 
3.540,254 



24.436,871 
13,322.323 



23,437.188 
10,068,708 



11,114,548 13,368,480 



When the raw wool reaches the spinner it is subjected to the 
various processes necessary to make it into yarn, which are as 
follows: Sorting (when necessary), scouring, drying, teasing or 
willowing, blending, oiling, carding, condensing, and spinning. 
The object of scouring is to cleanse the wool from all its natural 
impurities, such as sand, dirt, and grease, after which it is dried. 
If the wool has to be dyed it is generally performed at this 
juncture. 

The next operation is teasing or wilowing. The original 
word was probably "winnowing," since this is most akin to the 
operation which is performed, viz., that of first opening the wool 
and then, by means of a fan connected with the machine, blow- 
ing out the dust, dirt, and loose dye-wares. The wool is now 
ready for the blending process. If an all-wool fabric has to be 
produced, whether superfine or fancy, then different qualities of 
pure wool are mixed to suit the fashion and type of cloth required ; 
if a mixture fabric is required, then two or more different coloured 
wools are blended in suitable proportions. This is one of the 
stages where there is much opportunity afforded for exercising 
originality of idea in the various schemes of combination and so 
producing what Dame Fashion is always demanding — novelty, 
and in some cases cheapness, for it is in the blending that the 
various wool substitutes, such as shoddy, mungo, extracts, flocks, 
and noils, also cotton and sometimes silk waste, are combined and 
subsequently made into the so-called woollens, and which in com- 
mercial circles are classed as part of the woollen trade. 

Mungo is obtained from hard-milled cloths, and is of two kinds, 
new and old, the former being tailors' clippings and merchants' 
"tabs," while the latter is obtained from worn-out garments, both 
of which when placed into a rag grinding machine are literally torn 
thread from thread and fibre from fibre. During the process the 



278 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



fibres naturally get very much broken, but there is a common 
saying that if the material has only got two ends it can be re-made 
into yarn. This is rather far-fetched, but it serves to illustrate 
the perfection to which machinery has arrived. This material is 
then mixed with pure wool, noils, and cotton so as to impart 
adhesion among the different fibres, the wool being added in 
quantities varying according to the quality of the material to be 
produced. 

Shoddy is obtained in a similar manner, but from softer 
materials, such, e.g., as jerseys, stockings, and various underclothing, 
and is usually of a better quality. It had its advent about the year 
1813, and was first turned to practical advantage by Benjamin 
Law, Batley, which place has always been the chief seat of this 
section of the woollen industry. Simultaneously with the blending, 
each sheet or layer of wool, shoddy, mungo, or noil, &c, is oiled. 
The blend is then put into a machine called the "Fearnought," 
which is similar to a small carding machine in principle. Its chief 
object is to thoroughly mix the different sorts. The next operation 
to be performed is "carding," the object of which is to more 
thoroughly open the wool and separate fibre from fibre and 
rearrange them so as to form one continuous sheet or film of 
fibres, which can be collected into a thick roving or divided into any 
reasonable number of small rovings. These carded and condensed 
slivers or small rovings are next placed upon the "woollen mule 
spinning frame" (see Plate 6), which is a wonderful and ingenious 
piece of mechanism. Each sliver is passed through a pair of 
revolving rollers to the spindles fixed on a travelling carriage, 
which, receding from the rollers, draw out the threads, whilst the 
revolving spindles put in the twist. When the carriage has 
travelled a given distance the rollers cease delivery, but the 
carriage with the spindles continues to recede, and so the thread is 
drawn out to the required fineness. When the carriage is brought 
to a standstill the twisting operation continues, but inasmuch as 
the length of the yarn is diminished by this twisting the carriage 
very slowly commences the return journey. W T hen the required 
amount of twist has been put in the carriage quickly returns, 
during which time the yarn is wound on to the bobbins. 

This " mule frame " is the chief mechanical agent in producing 
the artificial arrangement of the fibres of the modern woollen 
thread, as distinguished from the arrangement of the fibres 
in its contemporary the worsted thread. At one time the 
worsted yarn could only be made from long wool and the 
woollen was chiefly made from short wool, but with the 
improvements in machinery to-day the raw material from the 



279 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 

same pack and kind of wool may be sent forth for coiiYersion into 
either woollen or worsted threads, the difference being entirely due 
to the process of manipulation. The yarn may be made to be 
used either as warp or weft. The former is often twofold, and 
having a certain amount of turns or twists per inch so as to give 
it strength and durability, or, as is frequently the case in the 
woollen manufacture, the threads for warp are used singly, but 
having more turns per inch and with twist in the contrary direction 
to that of the weft. By adopting the latter warp, the goods manu- 
factured are softer and fuller in the handle. 

" Warping " is the first process through which the yarn passes 
preparatory to weaving. It consists in collecting and reducing to 
one uniform length the threads which are intended to be arranged 
longitudinally in the cloth. Other minor processes, such as sizing, 
dressing, and twisting or looming are also necessary. All things 
being ready for weaving the "Power Loom" of the present day 
deserves special mention. 

An illustration showing a "Modern Power Loom" is given in 
Plate 7, also a diagram of the "Hand Treadle Loom" is shown 
in Plate 4. 

Weaving by power involves a series of automatic movements, 
some of which are continuous while others are intermittent. 
Further, some of the motions consume considerably more power 
at certain periods than at others, and, again, should anything go 
wrong in the process of weaving the cloth much damage would 
be done to the material if some automatic mechanism were not 
applied to arrest the progress of the loom. Among some of the 
movements to be accomplished in power-loom weaving may be 
enumerated (1) " Shedding," which motion is eccentric or vari- 
able, and is performed by means of numerous forms of outside 
mechanisms, such as tappets, witches, dobbies, or Jacquard 
machines; (2) "Picking," which is intermittent and consumes a 
very great amount of power — in some cases sufficient to almost 
stop the loom; (3) " Beating up the weft," which is also a variable 
motion; (4) "Taking up the cloth;" (5) "Letting off the warp" 
to correspond with the amount of cloth taken up; (6) " Stoppage 
of the loom," automatically, should the weft break or run out; 
(7) "Stoppage of loom" should the shuttle from any cause or 
defect fail to reach its destination, when a rod connected with the 
belt fork causes the belt to move from the fast to the loose pulley 
and so mechanically stop the loom ; (8) " Shuttle-box mechanisms ; " 
when there are several colours to put into the same cloth an altera- 
tion of the position taken up by the shuttle boxes with the shuttle 
mechanically takes place. 



280 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY, 



In addition, each of these motions involve a series of other 
mechanisms, all of which must work in unison and completely 
perform their work in a very brief space of time. This period is 
represented by one pick, and it is no uncommon thing for broad 
woollen looms to make as many as 80 to 110 picks per minute. I 
saw a narrow loom a short time ago for weaving cotton making 
300 picks per minute. 

These initial difficulties attempted by Dr. Cartwright and 
succeeding inventors have now been largely overcome, many of 
them very satisfactorily ; nevertheless, this highly interesting and 
ingenious piece of mechanism, bringing in its train wealth and 
prosperity to the nation which first and generally adopted it and 
applied it to practical purposes, has still many problems connected 
with it awaiting solution. After the fabric has been completely 
woven there are many processes through which it must yet pass 
ere it is in a fit state to be used as a garment of clothing or for 
decorative purposes. These processes vary with the class of 
goods made and the finish required, and may be enumerated as 
follows : — 

"Burling" or "mending," which is performed by young women, 
and comprises the taking out of all knots, repairing of broken 
threads, and replacing others which are defective. 

"Scouring," which frees the cloth from oil, size, and dirt. 

"Dyeing," which gives the fabric the requisite colour or 
shade. 

" Milling" or " fulling." Wool, and especially the fine sorts, has 
a tendency to shrink very considerably when subjected to moisture, 
heat, and pressure; the fibres and yarns in the fabric become a 
homogeneous mass which can be carried to such perfection that it 
appears a solid, compact sheet. This factor is taken advantage of 
by the manufacturer of the finest and best woollens, only the best 
"milling'' wools being selected. 

"Raising" consists in pulling up the fibres on the surface and 
even out of the body of the cloth so as to form a dense nap or pile 
of fibres. This operation is done on a machine called the "raising 
gig," fitted with metallic teazles, though a species of thistle fixed 
in a revolving cylinder is still employed and preferred by some. 
The pile or nap is then brushed all one way and shorn to one 
uniform length. 

"Crabbing" imparts a permanent lustre to the pieces which 
are wound and rewound upon perforated cylinders, through which 
steam is blown. 



281 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 

"Steaming" and "pressing" are the last processes to be 
performed, and impart "handle" and appearance to the finished 
fabric. 

Most of the foregoing processes are repeatedly performed, in 
addition to which they vary with type of cloth and finish required. 
From the foregoing description of the various processes it will be 
very evident that the woollen industry embraces most exclusively 
a very large number of trades and professions, thereby giving 
employment to a vast number of the population, in addition to 
which there are numerous other trades directly or indirectly 
dependent upon it, the making of power looms and other textile 
machinery being notable illustrations. 

Reverting to the manufacture of mungo and shoddy cloths, 
which now form no inconsiderable part of the woollen industry, 
we might add that in addition to British waste materials such as 
rags, tabs, &c, and much wool, chiefly of the English sort, over 
30,000 tons of rags are annually imported from the colonies and 
foreign countries to be ground into ragwool, and made into yarn or 
manufactured into cloth. 

Large quantities of this cloth are sold to the ready-made 
clothier for the home trade. It is no exaggeration to state that, 
as a result of the discovery of shoddy manufacture, many millions 
of people are now clothed in garments made up of remanufactured 
material, who would otherwise have to be content with the 
pickings up from a second-hand clothier, and whose garments 
are much better articles of clothing than their name implies or 
as accords with the common belief. No doubt this class of trade 
has affected the pure woollen trade, especially "Scotch Tweeds," 
but it was necessary to meet the demand for cheapness as well 
as to utilise waste products, the manipulation of which must be a 
gain to the nation. 

A fairly comprehensive idea of the present status of the 
Woollen Industry may be formed when it is pointed out that, in 
addition to supplying nearly the whole demand of the home trade 
in woollens, considerable quantities are exported to the colonies 
and foreign countries, the totals of which are given in the following 
statistics, gleaned from the Board of Trade returns for the last 
five years, but it should be noted here that with the improved 
methods in wool combing and other processes in worsted spin- 
ning (not herein enumerated) many wools which were formerly 
exclusively used for woollen manufacture are now made into 
worsted yarns, which fact must be borne in mind when studying 
the accompanying table of woollen exports. 



282 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTEY, 








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283 



HISTORICALLY AND COMMERCIALLY CONSIDERED. 



The export trade forms a considerable factor in the English 
foreign commerce, since every pound of yarn or yard of cloth 
exported assists in paying for the large consignment of foodstuffs, 
&c, imported into this country, and which cannot be produced 
within its borders — at least not in sufficient quantities to satisfy 
the demands of the people; hence the woollen trade and textile 
industries generally deserve every encouragement in respect of 
technical education, for success now depends on scientific know- 
ledge, research, and an intimate acquaintance with the inventions, 
the experiments, the successes, and the failures of others. Every 
manufacturing industry which is to obtain and maintain a position 
in the commercial world worthy of the name must seek to educate 
its workpeople by giving them a progressive course of instruction 
in the scientific and technical principles underlying their trade, and 
whether our nation does or does not provide every facility in this 
direction we may rest assured that textile production will continue 
its progressive course and will be led by those who have made 
themselves capable of leading by adapted thought and knowledge, 
combined with enlightened energy which directs its force to meet 
the vast and varied requirements of the world. 



EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES. 

Plate 1. 

This shows two "hand cards" as used formerly for "carding" 
wool. The "working card" on the right was repeatedly drawn 
through the wool in the "stationary card" held in the left hand. 
Above these is a roll of carded wool, ready for the one-thread 
spinning wheel. 

Plate 2. 

The one-thread spinning wheel. A length of carded wool is 
shown applied to the spindle, and is ready to be attenuated and 
twisted to the required fineness of thread for the woollen weaver. 

Plate 3. 

One of the most primitive methods of weaving. The warp is 
held tightly during the weaving process by means of a strong cord 
and two stout rods driven into the ground. When the weaver has 
woven a few inches of cloth he unties the ropes on his right and 
so lets in some more warp, which thus permits him to wind up the 
cloth already woven, the operation being repeated until the whole 
web is woven. 



284 



THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY. 



Plate 4. 

The hand treadle loom, with Kay's fly shuttle box. The 
illustration shows the type and principle of loom employed previous 
to the invention of the power loom, and which was largely employed 
for many years afterwards, whilst for weaving special kinds of 
fabrics it is still used. 

Plate 5. 

The relative length of "staple" of a few of the very numerous 
varieties of wools now grown throughout the world. Fig. 1, Port 
Phillip lambs' wool; Fig. 2, Port Phillip sheep's wool; Fig. 3, 
Saxony merino wool; Fig. 4, American merino wool; Fig. 5, 
Adelaide wool; Fig. 6, Swan Eiver wool; Fig. 7, Buenos Ayres 
wool; Fig. 8, Cape mohair wool; Fig. 9, Australian crossbred wool; 
Fig. 10, English (Northern Counties) wool; Fig. 11, English (Kent) 
wool. 

Plate 6. 

The woollen mule spinning frame, which shows conclusively 
the very extraordinary progress invention has made upon the one- 
wheel spinning frame, which method was in common use until just 
over a century ago. 

Plate 7. 

The modern power loom for weaving heavy woollens, largely 
used by English and Scotch manufacturers. The width of piece 
can be woven up to 120 inches, and the loom usually runs at 
90 picks per minute. It forms an interesting comparison with the 
type of looms and methods of weaving shown in Plates 3 and 4. 




ILLUSTRATIONS 



OF 



The Woollen Industry. 




Plate 1. 




Plate 2. 




Plate 4. 





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53 



285 



fl Just Basis of taxation. 



BY FREDERICK VERINDER, 

General Secretary of the English Land Restoration League, 



Taxation may create monopolies, or it may prevent them ; it may diffuse 
wealth, or it may concentrate it ; it may promote liberty and. equality of rights, 
or it may tend to the establishment of tyranny and despotism; it may be used 
to bring about reforms, or it may be so laid as to aggravate existing grievances 
and foster hatred and dissension among classes ; taxation may be so controlled 
by the skilful hand as to give free scope to every opportunity for the creation 
of wealth or for the advancement of all true interests of States and cities, or it 
may be so shaped by ignoramuses as to place a dead weight on a community in 
the race for industrial supremacy. — Prof. Ely, " Taxation in American States 
and Cities," p. 55. 




""V>!]HE interest in questions of taxation, now so generally 
apparent, is no new thing. For more than five 
centuries — from the march of the Kentish men on 
London under Wat Tyler to protest against an 
obnoxious poll tax, to the march of the East End 
match girls on Westminster to protest against Mr. 
Lowe's proposed tax on matches — there has never been wanting 
either the disposition or the occasion to criticise the methods by 
which funds have been raised to meet the nation's expenses. A 
question of taxation led to the civil war which cost an English king 
his head ; another question of taxation lost to Britain her American 
colonies. One of the greatest and most costly agitations of the 
present century had for its object the Eepeal of the Corn Laws — 
again a question of taxation. In our own generation, the taxation 
of land values has assumed an importance which even the most 
exciting happenings in foreign politics have been unable to over- 
shadow. In Parliament and at bye-elections, in the correspondence 
columns of the newspapers and in the halls of working men's clubs, 
in the lecture-rooms of economic learning and at street corners, the 
relations of taxation to land and labour, its bearings upon the 
housing and health of the people, upon poverty and monopoly, are 
topics of never diminishing interest. It is no longer the equity of 



286 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



this or that particular tax which is called into question. The 
movement to which Henry George's " Progress and Poverty ' 
gave, in the early eighties, a new and world-wide impetus is rapidly 
developing into a general assault upon the whole of our present 
methods of taxation, national and local. It is not, of course, pre- 
tended that the hundreds of local authorities who, in their desire 
for " new sources of revenue," are petitioning Parliament for power 
to rate land values, or the thousands of Liberal, Radical, and 
Progressive candidates who declare on election platforms their 
sympathy with the demand for the taxation of land values are 
subscribers to the full programme of the English Land Restoration 
League, or are consciously helping towards its realisation. But it 
is nevertheless true that the arguments which they are compelled 
to use lead logically and inevitably to the demand for a new, simple, 
and just basis of taxation in substitution for the existing chaos of 
methods of taxation — always complicated and usually unjust. The 
present Government and their immediate predecessors in office 
have, each in their own way, contributed to give point to the 
discussion, for the questions raised by Sir William Harcourt's 
Budget of 1894, and by the Agricultural Rating Act of 1896, go 
down to the very roots of the theory of taxation. 

I. 

A Parliamentary Return issued just before the Constitutional 
Reform of 1832 snowed that, at that period (1829), duties of 
Customs and Excise to the amount of more than six millions sterling 
a year were levied upon raw materials of manufacture. Manu- 
factured articles of all kinds were burdened with protective duties, 
which ranged from 20 to 75 per cent on their value. Agriculture 
was " protected," for the benefit of rural landlords, by heavy duties 
upon bacon, butter, cheese, hay, hops, hemp and hempseed, lard, 
linseed and rape oils, mules and asses, peas, potatoes, seeds, 
tallow, tares, wheat and all other kinds of grain, flour, and meal; 
as well as by the prohibition of the importation of meat and of living 
animals for food. Tea, sugar, coffee, &c, were very heavily taxed 
on a differential scale intended to favour colonial production. 

So many of these imposts have been abolished or reduced since 
the first Reformed Parliament met in 1833 that we are often 
tempted to overlook the fact that our methods of taxation are still 
so complicated that it is impossible for a citizen to find out when, 
and how, and how much he is contributing towards the national 
expenses. 

John Smith is taxed upon his income if he is fortunate enough 
to earn more than about £3 a week and honest enough to make a 



•2>~ 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION, 



correct return. As soon as he begins to spend it. he is taxed again. 
In the prices which he pays for his tea, coffee, chicory, cocoa, 
chocolate, plums, prunes, raisins, currants, and figs are included 
various taxes, levied indirectly by way of Customs or Excise. 
Unless he is a teetotaler and non-smoker he is taxed even more 
heavily upon his beer, wine, spirits, liqueur's, cordials, tobacco, snuff, 
and cigars. He pays a stamp duty on the agreement or lease 
when he takes a house, and as soon as he occupies it he becomes 
liable for inhabited house duty, assessed upon the gross annual 
value of the house and its site, and for local rates assessed upon 
their net annual value. If he takes up the profession of a 
barrister, or solicitor, or physician, or officer in army or navy, he 
must pay a stamp duty on admission, and, in the case of a solicitor, 
must, in addition, take out an annual certificate. If he goes into 
business as an auctioneer, banker, house agent, game dealer, game- 
keeper, hawker, pawnbroker, pedlar, dealer in plate or in patent 
medicines, or vinegar maker, he must pay every year for a licence. 
He cannot import, produce, or sell, without an annual licence, beer, 
wine, spirits, cider, perry, tobacco, snuff, or cigars. If. abominating 
all these thiDgs, he opens a drunkards' retreat, he must pay an 
annual tax of 10s. per inmate, with a minimum of £5 a year. In 
his business he pays stamp duties of varying amounts on his 
cheques, receipts, bills of exchange, charter-parties, bonds, contract 
notes, stock and share certificates, transfers. Sec., Arc. If he uses 
collodion, ether, chloroform, naphtha, iodide of ethyl, chloral hydrate, 
spirit varnish, perfumed spirits, or transparent soap containing 
spirit, he is taxed on each one of them. In his leisure hours he 
plays a game of whist with a taxed pack of cards, takes the air in 
a taxed carriage or motor car, or walks out with his taxed dog, 
carrying a gun licence in his pocket. If he indulges in the luxury 
of keeping a man-servant, or of using armorial bearings, he is 
taxed ; but he is also taxed on his insurance policy, and, if he is 
very saving, he but leaves the more to be taxed after his death. :;: 

The difficulty of finding out how much he really does pay 
towards the expenses of the State is increased by the fact that the 
taxes on his spendings are, in many cases, levied in an indirect 

* As if the existing complications were not enough, suggestions for new 
taxes are continually made. The lessons of recent political and economic 
history have obviously been wasted upon the people, including, in some c 
even Chancellors of the Exchequer, who, within the last few years, have 
suggested taxation upon such oddly various subjects as cycles, mural advertise- 
ments, matches, vans and wheels, cats, theatre tickets, agricultural horses. 
bachelors, and nobiliary titles. Even more hopeless appears to be the case of 
the few enthusiasts who, evidently unacquainted with the complete breakdown 
of a similar experiment in America, have recently put forward a proposal for 
the taxation of "all property " upon its capital value. 



288 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



manner, and are increased, before he pays them, by the profits of 
the traders through whose hands the taxed commodities reach 
him ; that he is often quite unconscious that he pays this indirect 
taxation at all; and that in respect of some of the taxation, mainly 
local, of the burden of which he complains most loudly, experts 
assure him that, as a matter of fact and in spite of appearances, he 
does not pay it at all. 

With regard to some of these taxes, there is no doubt that 
statesmen have contrived and continued them for the express 
purpose of facilitating the collection of a large revenue by conceal- 
ing from the multitude a great part of the fiscal burden which 
they are made to bear. 

To levy a direct tax of 7 per cent is a dangerous experiment in a free 
country and may excite revolt ; but there is a method by which you can tax the 
last rag from the back and the last bite from the mouth without causing a 
murmur against high taxes, and that is, to tax a great many articles of daily 
use and necessity so indirectly that the people will pay them and not know it. 
Their grumbling will then be of hard times, but they will not know that the 
hard times are caused by taxation. 

Such is the theory of indirect taxation attributed to William Pitt. 
It was stated more briefly and with brutal frankness by the French 
statesman who defined indirect taxation as " a scheme for so 
plucking geese as to give the most feathers with the least squawk- 
ing." Dr. Johnson probably had something of this kind in his 
mind when he wrote his famous definition, " Excise — a hateful 
tax levied upon commodities, and adjudged not by the common 
judges of property, but wretches hired by those to whom excise 
is paid ; " and it was nothing less than a stroke of etymological 
genius which derived the name " tariff,' ' applied to a system of 
indirect taxation, from Tarifa, the headquarters of the pirates who 
used to levy toll on the trade of the Mediterranean shippers. 

Apart from a small land tax — part of which has been redeemed, 
and part of which is still paid on a valuation over 200 years old* — 
the great bulk of our national revenue is raised, as we have seen, 
by taxes based upon (1) earnings, or rather income ; (2) spendings ; 
(3) savings or accumulations; (4) processes of production; (5) 
transactions of business. This arrangement is open to the criti- 
cism that no one of these things, nor all of them together, afford 
a just basis for calculating what a citizen should pay as his pro- 
portion of the national expenses; and that, because the existing 
bases of taxation are not just, the practical working of our existing 
system is not fair as between man and man and between 
class and class. The effect of our present methods is to restrict 



* See " The Land Tax " (English Land Restoration League's Tract, No. 5. 
376 and 377, Strand, London, W.C. One penny). 



289 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



consumption by increasing the cost of commodities; to hamper 
distribution ; to discourage production ; to foster monopoly ; to 
penalise improvement and thrift ; and to oppress the mass of the 
people for the benefit of favoured classes, and of one class in 
particular. 

If this indictment can be maintained, the frequent appearance 
of articles on taxation in this "Annual" and the growing interest 
of Co-operators in the subject is easily explained, for the 
members of Co-operative Societies unite within themselves the 
functions of consumer, distributor, and producer, and the natural 
development of Co-operation is hindered at every turn by the 
workings of an unjust fiscal system. 

One of the classical principles of taxation laid down by Adam 

Smith as the basis of a just fiscal system ran thus : — 

Every tax ought to be so contrived as both to take out and keep out of the 
pockets of the people as little as possible over and above what it brings into the 
public treasury of the State.* 

This obviously fair maxim is grossly violated by every one of 
the existing "indirect taxes." Take, for instance, the duty upon 
tea. The importation of tea will appear, at least to every tea- 
drinker, as a meritorious public service, worthy of encouragement. 
But the Government behaves as if it thought otherwise. Every 
pound of tea which arrives in this country is liable to be seized 
and imprisoned — held "in bond" — until the importer releases it 
by paying a fine of fourpence. In the case of the cheapest kinds 
of tea this fine or duty doubles or more than doubles the cost. 
The traders who handle the tea naturally charge their profits upon 
what the tea actually costs them, i.e., upon the sum made up of 
the cost of the tea plus the amount of the tax. The very poor, who 
buy tea in small quantities from retail shops, pay a larger number 
of middlemen's profits, not only upon the first cost of the tea, but 
also on the original amount of the tax. The injustice is increased 
by the fact that the same sum per lb. is levied upon all kinds of 
tea. Tea which sells retail at Is. 4d. per lb., or less, is taxed 4d. ; 
and so is the very rare and choice tea which is sometimes sold by 
auction at 30 or 35 guineas a pound. I am informed that the 
first cost of the teas usually handled by the Co-operative Whole- 
sale Society varies from 5^d. to 2s. 5^-d. per lb., with an average of 
lOd. The percentage of taxation, therefore, varies from 72 - 7 to 
13 - 6, with an average of 40-0. But there is plenty of tea which 
costs less or more than the prices just quoted, and on the very 
cheapest the tax may be as high as 140 per cent on first cost. No 
one but an expert in the tea trade could say how much per cent 
the tax amounted to on any particular pound of tea, for when teas 

* " Wealth of Nations," Book V., ch. ii. 

20 



290 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



of various prices are "blended" the various rates of taxation are 
blended also. But it is quite certain that, in order that the 
Exchequer may receive its fourpence, every consumer of tea has to 
pay more than fourpence, and that the excess is generally greater 
in proportion to the poverty of the person who pays. The poor 
washerwoman who buys cheap tea by the ounce, and who has very 
few shillings to spend on her one luxury, gets far less tea and pays 
far more taxation for every shilling than the rich man who buys a 
better quality by the chest. It is true that the intermediate profits 
may be intercepted by Co-operation, but even Co-operation cannot 
avoid the injustice of the original tax upon what has become an 
almost universal necessity of life. Moreover, all consumers have 
to pay for the cost of the interference with the operations of trade 
caused by Customs regulations made for the protection of the 
revenue. 

The tax per pound upon coffee, cocoa, chicory, and dried fruits 
is smaller than that upon tea, while the duties upon alcoholic 
drinks and tobacco are far heavier, amounting in some cases to 
hundreds per cent upon first cost. But be the duty large or small, 
it always takes from the consumer, who finally pays, a sum larger 
than that which is levied by the Custom House officer. In the 
case of brewing and distilling, the cost of the products is also very 
largely increased by the vexatious and complicated restrictions 
which it has been thought necessary, in the interests of the 
revenue, to impose upon the processes of production* ; and the 
trade is further burdened with the profits of a giant monopoly, 
also created in the interests of the revenue, which has become the 
despair of modern reformers. Nor can the friends of temperance 
console themselves with the reflection that this load of taxation 
(amounting in 1898-99 to nearly £37,000,000 in Customs, Excise, 
and Licences) has any appreciable effect in lessening the consump- 
tion of alcoholic liquors. There is good reason to believe that all 
this indirect taxation has the effect of causing a good deal of 
adulteration. In the case of tobacco, at any rate, we have on this 
point the frequent testimony of Chancellors of the Exchequer 
who have more than once reduced the duty on this very account. 
******* 

Not only are these indirect taxes, which roll down from the 
Custom House to the consumer like a snowball, gathering volume 
as they go, unjust to the individuals who pay them ; they are far 
less profitable to the Exchequer than most direct taxes would be, 

* This was worked out with great elaboration of detail by Charles Tennant 
in his "People's Blue Book," of which a fourth edition was published in 1872. 
It is much to be wished that the facts and arguments of this valuable book 
could be brought down to date and reissued in a cheap form. 



291 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



for they are exceedingly expensive to collect. All over the country, 
and especially at all the large ports, a large army of men has to be 
maintained for the purpose of fining the manufacturers and 
importers of dutiable articles and of exercising a vexatious inter- 
ference with production and trade. Moreover, in order to prevent 
that unauthorised form of free trade which is called "smuggling," 
every part of the coast where a cargo could possibly be landed from 
a small boat has to be continually watched in order to prevent 
the importation of goods upon which no fine has been paid. For 
several years the " Financial Reform Almanac " published, under the 
title of "Curiosities of the Customs," a summary of a Return for 
1874 issued on the motion of Sir John Lubbock in 1876. At ten 
ports, ivhere nothing was collected, fifty-three able-bodied servants of 
the Crown, costing the country £7,200, wrote 18,297 official letters 
and forms. At eight other ports, fifty Customs officers collected 
in the year a total of £56 — about a halfpenny a head per day — at 
a cost of £6,607 and of 24,480 sheets of official paper. At seven 
ports, where the collection amounted to £2,611, the fifty-six officers 
cost £7,471, and sent up 25,387 letters and forms. At a dozen 
other ports it cost £7,777 to collect £15,305, and forty-six men 
were kept employed in making 25,625 official returns and collecting 
under£l a day each. Of course, the larger ports do far better than 
this, but the general collection has to bear the cost of all this 
appalling waste of labour and money/" But it is certain that even 
the published accounts of the cost of collecting the Customs are 
far from representing the whole cost of collection. An unknown 
amount must, for instance, be added for the cost of that portion of 
the navy which is engaged wholly or partially on preventitive 
service. 

The taxes upon business transactions, mostly by way of stamp 
duty or licence duty, often very small in amount, constitute on the 
whole a considerable burden in time and trouble as well as in 
money. (The stamp duties produced in 1897-98 a sum of about 
1\ millions.) There is no reason why the payment of one's just 
debts, or the making of an agreement, should be the subject of a 
tax. If A. agrees to sell goods to, or to do work for, B. to the 
value of £2, and if B. pays by cheque and requires a receipt, it 
costs B. £2. 0s. Id. in order to pay A. a net sum of £1. 19s. lid. 
B. is already paying his banker, directly or indirectly, for taking 
care of his money, yet he cannot use the smallest part of it, once 
paid into the bank, without being fined a penny. If the two men 



* The revelation of waste frorn which the above is quoted proved so 
damaging that the Government has ever since refused to issue any further 
reports of the sort. It is quite safe to assume that the condition of things is at 
least as bad at the present time. 



292 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



make an agreement, the sixpenny stamp adds no validity to it. It 
represents pure blackmail, levied by the Government on a pre- 
sumably honest transaction, and enforced by the threat of a very 
heavy penalty before the agreement can be produced in evidence if 
its subject-matter should ever come under inquiry in a court of law. 

As regards the income tax, which stood in 1878 at 3d. in the £ 
and is now 8d., an attempt has been made in recent years to meet 
some of the criticisms directed against this always unpopular 
impost by a system of exemptions and deductions which, up to 
£500, give an approach to graduation. The tax is free from the 
worst objections which lie against indirect taxation. But it is 
open to the objection that it operates, in very many cases, as a 
fine upon industry. As long as John Jones earns no more than 
£160 a year he is free of income tax. If, by working harder, he 
increases his earnings beyond £160, the State takes 3^ per cent of 
the increase ; or, if he is industrious enough to earn more than 
£400 a year, an even larger proportion. 

The existing system is sometimes defended on Adam Smith's 
ground that " the subjects of every State ought to contribute to the 
support of the Government as nearly as possible in proportion to 
their respective abilities." Smith apparently believed that ability 
to pay taxation could be measured by " the revenue which they 
respectively enjoy under the protection of the State." As 
"revenue" under £160 a year is exempt from income tax, it is 
necessary that taxes should be levied on articles of general con- 
sumption in order that the working man may enjoy the privilege 
of contributing towards the expenses of the State. But, even so, 
there is no necessary relation between either income or expendi- 
ture and the ability to pay taxes. It has already been shown that 
the taxes on food and drink fall with the most crushing weight 
upon the very poorest. The middle-class man with a small 
income, not greatly exceeding £160, and a large family, pays as 
much in income tax, and perhaps more in taxes on commodities, 
than a bachelor on the same income, and may be impoverished by 
taxation which the bachelor could pay with ease. A doctor or 
clergyman may be poor on an income double as great as that upon 
which an artisan, who is not compelled to keep a carriage or pay a 
curate, could live in comfort and yet pay no income tax. A miser 
who hoarded his wealth and lived on bread and water in a garret 
might escape nearly all taxation except the death duties, and 
might escape even these if he gave away his money just before he 
died. 

How can a tax be deemed just which falls alike upon the 
income of the urban landlords who, as John Stuart Mill says, 
"grow richer, as it were, in their sleep without working, risking, 



293 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



or economising," and upon the earnings of the professional man 
who has qualified himself by a long course of study to work hard 
for every guinea he earns ? It is sometimes argued that there is 
no real injustice in indirect taxes, because any man may avoid them 
by abstaining from the use of the taxed articles. I have often 
wondered what the death rate would have been in the early years 
of this century if this suggestion had then been generally acted 
on; for, at that time, as has been well said, " everything that was 
useful, or good, or beautiful in nature or art; everything that was 
sweet to the palate, wholesome for the body, needful for raiment, 
grateful to the eye, or pleasant to the taste or smell was taxed." 
It is no argument in favour of taxes upon expenditure that their 
injustice may be avoided by abstaining from the innocent enjoy- 
ment of things desirable and desired; and the very fact that such 
abstention is possible proves that expenditure upon dutiable com- 
modities is no just measure of the " ability " to pay taxes. 

The fact is that " ability to pay " must be abandoned by anyone 
in search of a really just basis for taxation. The theory has never 
been logically carried out except by certain despotic Governments 
(mostly Oriental). Isaac of York and other mediaeval Jews pro- 
bably heard all that was to be said in favour of it. Robin Hood 
and Captain Kidd certainly acted upon it. The mere fact that 
one man has more wealth than another does not justify the State 
in taking away part of his property, provided he came by it 
honestly, save in those cases of supreme need in which the State 
admittedly has the right to call upon its members to 

Spare neither land nor gold, 
Nor son nor wife, nor linib nor life, 

for the common salvation. 

Adam Smith's maxim that citizens should pay taxation " in 
proportion to their respective abilities ; that is, in proportion to the 
revenue which they respectively enjoy under the protection of the 
State," appears to imply, not only that ability to pay taxation bears 
some fixed relation to income, but also that income bears a fixed 
relation to the protection afforded by the State. This is certainly 
not true of earned incomes, which are proportioned to different 
degrees of ability and industry rather than to different degrees 
of State protection. But the form of his reference to the 
State is welcome, for it suggests that taxation is, in some sense, a 
return from the individual to the State for services received or 
benefits enjoyed. If it is possible to find an accurate measure for 
the benefits which each citizen receives from the community in 
which he lives it will not be necessary to go farther in the search 
for a just basis of taxation. This inquiry will also conveniently 
carry us over from the subject of national to that of local taxation. 



294 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



II. 

On March 6th, 1899, Mr. John Hepper, F.S.I., F.A.I, read 
before the Leeds and Yorkshire Architectural Society a paper on 
"the business, peculiarities, progress, and possibilities " of Leeds, 
confining himself " to such matters as combine to make or affect 
stability and value." * 

It is instructive to notice what, from a purely professional 
point of view, are the " matters which make or affect value." 
Briefly summarising Mr. Hepper's comprehensive and lucid 
statement, this is what we learn about Leeds : — - 

Population in 1899 about 420,000 (more than doubled since 1851). The 
people are industrious, skilled, receptive, intelligent, of a careful, saving 
character, capable of adapting themselves to altering circumstances and of 
turning to any kind of manufacture. 

Position and Communications. — About midway between London and 
Edinburgh, and between tbe eastern and western seaboards. " Seated at the 
convergence of systems of road, rail, and waterways of unsurpassed centrality, 
Leeds is found to be one of the most convenient distributing centres in the 
kingdom." The level character of its manufacturing areas reduces the cost of 
cartage to a minimum, while its residential districts are on rising ground fairly 
free from the smoke. Lovely country resorts lie within easy reach of the city. 

Mineral Resources. — Leeds has within its limits or near its borders 
supplies of coal, brick clay, fireclay, ironstone, and building stone. 

Industries. — Mr. Hepper specifies a large number and variety of manu- 
facturing industries carried on in Leeds. 

Municipal Advantages. — Besides the Town Hall and Municipal Buildings, 
the Corporation owns three Markets (Corn, attle, and General), a Free Library, 
a Fine Art Gallery, eighteen Parks and Recreation Grounds (total, 645 acres), 
and two groups of allotments. To these are being added five sets of Baths. 
The mileage of paved and macadamised roads has nearly doubled since 1866. 
The wide and excellent roads and the Municipal Tramways (all soon to be 
electric) afford easy means of communication between all parts of the. city and 
suburbs. Municipal Gas Works supply gas of good quality at a cheap rate, and 
the Municipal Water Works furnish an abundance of soft water. The electric 
lighting has been recently taken over by the town. At least a million sterling 
has been spent in the making of roads and sewers and sewerage works and in 
street improvements. Four refuse destructors have been provided, and a large 
sanitary depot. There are Municipal Hospitals for fever, smallpox, &c, and 
three Municipal Burial Grounds. 

Local Taxation. — The rates levied by the Council for the year ended 
March 25th, 1899, were as follow: City Rate (including Is. 3d. in the £ for 
School Board purposes), 2s. 2d.; Consolidated Rate, 2s. lid.; Highway Rate, 
9d. Adding Poor Rate, Is. 4d., we reach, for the last completed year, a total 
rate of 7s. 2d. in the £, which appears to be about the average, on a ratable 
value of £1,522,092. The net debt of the city is £5,215,214 ( = £12. 10s. 3d. per 
head of population). 



"Leeds: from a Surveyor's Point of View." (Leeds: Alf. Cooke. 1899.) 



295 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



Mr. Hepper gives from his own professional experience a few- 
instances, taken from the central part of the city, of the effect of 
all this upon the growth of land values. Park Eow, where, not 
more than twenty-rive to thirty years ago, dwelling-houses were 
being converted into offices, now contains the Royal Exchange, all 
the great banks, and some of the leading insurance offices. East 
Parade is further west, and in 1862 its westerly side was still 
largely occupied with dwelling-houses. Some of the sales included 
the existing buildings with the land, but, as the houses were 
intended to be pulled down, the increase of value plainly attaches 
to the land as building land. I have thrown Mr. Hepper's figures 
into tabular form for convenience of comparison : — 





YEAR. 


A 


1862 


B 


1862 


C 


1868 


D 


1872 


E 


1873 


F 


1888 


G 


1893 


H 


1895 


1 


1897 


J 


1897 


K 


1897 


L 


; 1898 


M 


1898 



Site of London, City, and Midland Bank. . 

Site of Hepper's Auction Rooms 

No. 10, East Parade 

No. 11, East Parade 

Property adjoining "P" on the south .... 
Site of Prudential Buildings (northern half) 

Site adjoining " A " 

Nos. 10 and 11, East Parade | [ = " C " x " D ") 
Ditto ditto 

No. 12, East Parade 

Site overlooking City Square (666 sq. yds) 

Same as "E," sold as building site *34 

Site on north side of " A " 



PARK ROW. 


EAST 
PARADE. 


£ S. 


a. 


£ s. d. 


*6 10 





1 12 
*5 7 3 
*6 18 


*10 1 


4 




11 11 







30 





*10 3 3 
*15 5 
*15 12 2 


75 





.... 


*34 9 





.... 


57 1 


8 


.... 



The figures given represent prices paid jw square yard. Properties marked (*) obviously 
include building values, as above stated. 

The plot marked K in the above table "formed part of the site of 
the old Court House. When the Town Hall was built and the 
Borough Courts were transferred thereto, about 1858, the Corpora- 
tion sold the Court House and the open yard on the south, which, 
at that time, could not be built upon, for £6,000 to the Post Office 
authorities. Four or five years ago the Corporation bought the 
property back again for £20,000, with the restrictions upon the 
aforesaid yard removed, so that the whole could be built upon. 
After devoting about 600 square yards to widening the adjoining 
streets and improving City Square, the remainder sold for £-49,500." 



296 




Mr. Hepper says he could quote similar instances of apprecia- 
tion of land values "all over the commercial centre of the city." 
Indeed, in another pamphlet* he showed instances of land values 
in Boar Lane which increased between 1869 and 1895 at rates of 
92, 98, 130, and 158 per cent, and in the same street an offer was 
refused of £135 per square yard for land which in 1867 cost Sir 
John Barran £27 (exactly one-fifth of the amount offered); "the 
present rentals made it more profitable for the owners to keep it." 
******* 

I have drawn somewhat freely on Mr. Hepper's papers because 
their author is an expert of undoubted authority and unrivalled 
local knowledge, dealing with an important centre of population 
from a purely professional point of view. He does not profess to 
discuss theories, but to state facts. Yet the theory of the origin 
and growth of land values springs directly out of the facts which 
he records, for it is plain on the face of his statement that land 
is of great and increasing value in Leeds- because the natural 
advantages of the position of the town and the abundance of 
mineral wealth which underlies it and its neighbourhood have 
attracted a large population ; because that population is energetic 
and thrifty; because the Government, national and local, has done 
much to improve upon the natural advantages of Leeds, and to 
add to its attractions as a place for residence, for manufacture, and 
for commerce. The value of land in Leeds would be less than it 
is, in spite of its coal and ironstone, if its population were small ; 
or if the national Government did not extend to it the protection 
of the national law; or if its people were idle and thriftless; or if 
Parliament had refused authority for the making of the railways 
and canals that serve it, or had insisted upon their construction 
along some other route; or if the City Council had spent the rates 
less wisely and generously in providing municipal services and 
effecting town improvements. In a word, land values are created 
by the presence, the industry, and the expenditure of population. 

It is clear that Mr. Hepper's professional experience does not 
lead him to attribute the increase of land values to the activities of 
those who receive them. In one of his pamphlets he makes no 
reference to the landholders save this: "The expansion of the city 
is not trammelled and hindered by great landlords who will only 
sell or lease on their own terms." This can only be imputed to 
the landlords for righteousness on the principle which led the 
schoolboy to say that pins had saved the lives of a great many 
people — "by not swallowing them ! " 

* " Movements of Values in Freehold Urban Districts, with Special Reference 
to Leeds." Paper read before the Yorkshire Branch of the Surveyors' 
Institute on October 7th, 1895. (Leeds: Alfred Cooke, 1895.) See pp. 14, 15. 



297 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION, 



In the other pamphlet, already referred to, Mr. Hepper plainly 

states that — 

As communities grow in number and wealth they enlarge their borders 
and enhance the value of the land around them, wbile, probably, the owners of 
the land may be contributing nothing towards the increased value. 

Mr. Hepper dwells at some length upon two other facts : (1) 
the tenure of land in the city is almost entirely freehold; (2) the 
rate of interest is low, with a tendency to fall lower. The first 
affects the division of land values among owners rather than their 
origin; the second is almost certainly due to the industry and 
thrift of the workers of Leeds causing money to be plentiful. 

What is true of Leeds is more or less true of every civilised 
community. The relation of population to land values is, of course, 
more readily seen in cases where the growth of population has 
been exceptionally rapid. In such instances as Johannesburg and 
Dawson City the influx of population has, within the last few 
years, converted barren wastes, vast tracts of which could be bought 
for next to nothing, into crowded cities, where sites are sold by the 
square foot. In many a colonial city the price of a site for a single 
block of offices exceeds the amount which the Government 
originally received for the whole area upon which the city now 
stands. The State Bureau of Labour Statistics for Illinois recently 
gave a most interesting table showing the yearly growth of value 
in the case of a quarter-acre plot in the business centre of the city. ;:: 
In 1830, when the population of Chicago was 50, this "quarter- 
acre of raw prairie land at the mouth of the Chicago Eiver" was 
worth twenty dollars. In 189-4 the population was 1.500,000 and 
the value of the quarter-acre had risen to 1,250,000 dollars. 

The story of Leeds and of Chicago is repeated, on a still larger 
scale, in London. The rise of land values in the metropolis has 
not been so rapid as in the case of Johannesburg, and its stages 
are not so fully recorded as in the case of Chicago, but the causes 
are exactly the same. Early in 1897 the Valuer to the London 
County Council prepared an estimate of the land values of the 
metropolis. He excluded exactly all parks and open spaces, and (by 
an average calculation) the areas occupied by streets. He says : — 

I think I should point out that my aim has been to arrive at the present 
annual value of the land in each area, subject to existing conditions. I have 
not taken into consideration the possibility of enhancement of value owing to 
the formation of or widening of streets; nor the better utilisation of land at 
present encumbered by existing buildings : nor the dormant element of building 
value in land now used for agricultural purposes. In outlying districts land 
which is ripening for building is taken practically at agricultural value ; while 
building land not developed to its fullest extent is not valued according to its 
capacity, but according to the use now made of it. 

* Eighth Biennial Report (1894). Second Edition (1896), p. 277. 



298 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION, 



Keaders of Mr. Billson's paper in last year's "Annual" (since 
republished as a penny pamphlet by the Liberal Publication 
Department, Parliament Street, Westminster) will readily under- 
stand the importance of these reservations, the effect of which is 
that London land values are considerably understated in the 
Valuer's Report. Yet, even so, his total comes out at the enormous 
figure of £15,096,620 — an annual value equal to about 6s. 6d. per 
week from every family in the metropolis. 

Considerations of space forbid a detailed inquiry into the causes 
which have helped to build up this value — to convert land which 
was once a forest-girt marsh sloping to the lower reaches of the 
Thames into sites which sometimes sell at the rate of nearly two 
and a half million pounds per acre.* An attempt to work out the 
history of London land values in some detail was made a few 
months ago in a series of articles in a London evening paper, f 
Briefly, London land bears an enormous value, mainly (1) because 
its position on a convenient tidal river marked it out as a 
natural centre for the trade of a seafaring people, and so attracted 
to it a large commercial population; (2) because the national 
Government established its legislative, administrative, naval, 
military, and judicial headquarters there; (3) because its municipal 
authorities have spent millions of public money, and have incurred 
a large debt, in draining its site, improving its highways, providing 
parks, &c; (4) because the political and commercial capital natu- 
rally became the railway and market centre also. In the pamphlet 
just referred to, facts and figures are quoted which prove that the 
advantages conferred upon London by the expenditure of the rates 
in forming new streets, embanking the Thames, building new 
bridges and freeing old ones, making tunnels under the river, 
opening new "lungs," constructing a costly system of main drain- 
age, providing Board Schools in every district, and public libraries, 
baths, and washhouses in many, have expressed themselves in 
terms of increased land value. The South London tramway 
system was municipalised on New Year's Day, 1899, and some 
improvements, including an all-night service, have been introduced 
by the London County Council. Already the advantages thus 
conferred upon the population south of the Thames have been 
heavily discounted, if not entirely absorbed, by an increase of 
rents in the working-class districts. 

We are now in a position to understand what Adam Smith 
meant when he said that " ground rents, so far as they exceed the 

* Co-operative News, June 13th, 1896. 

f Since reprinted as a penny pamphlet. Echo Extras, No. 1. " The Great 
Problem of our Great Towns." 22, Catherine Street, Strand, London, W.O. 



299 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



ordinary rent of land, are altogether due to the good Government 
of the Sovereign." Of course, the word "Government" must here 
be taken in its widest sense, to include all those developments of 
local self-government which have been such- a marked feature of 
our history since Adam Smith's time. Indeed, so great has been 
the increase of land values in the great self-governing towns during 
the past few generations that we are in danger of overlooking the 
share which the "Government of the Sovereign" has had in that 
increase, and are often tempted to regard it as almost entirely the 
work of the municipalities." 

In the case of some towns the increase of land value, and, in 
some cases, the very existence of the town itself, is obviously due, 
in the main, to the action of the Central Government. The growth 
of places like Chatham, Portsmouth, and Plymouth is due to the 
establishment of great works by the Admiralty. Enfield and 
Woolwich owe their increase of population and of land value 
largely to the establishment of Government Arsenals there; 
Deptford to its Naval Victualling Yard; Westminster, and West 
London generally, to the removal of Parliament and the Court 
from Winchester to the banks of the Thames. 

The discovery of a new public utility in the land of Salisbury 
Plain immediately led to a large increase in its value, as evidenced 
by the price which the Government had to pay for that part of the 
Plain which they purchased for a manoeuvring ground, and by the 
demand of Sir Edmund Antrobus for £125,000 for his adjacent 
Stonehenge estate. There is no doubt that the concentration of 
soldiers and the influx of visitors during the manoeuvres will add 
to the value of the neighbouring land exactly as the summer rush 
of visitors to the seaside increases the value of land at every 
popular watering place. 

The Thames-side village of Woolwich grew into a great and 
busy town because of the establishment of the Government 
Arsenal and Dockyard. The population attracted by these State- 
created opportunities for employment has caused almost every 
available yard of space to be built over, and is rapidly covering the 
adjacent marshes of Plumstead with houses. The result has been, 
of course, an enormous increase in the value of land in and around 
Woolwich. The expenditure of the local rates by the Local Board 
of Health on the improvement of the town has maintained and 
accelerated this increase. The establishment by the London 

* The conquest of Cuba by the United States has already had the effect of 
increasing land value (Daily Chronicle, March 29, 1899), because the introduc- 
tion of a more settled form of government makes possible the increase of 
population, the extension of industry, and the accumulation of wealth. 



300 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



County Council of a free ferry* across the Thames from South to 
North Woolwich, and the acquisition of Bostall Wood, close by, as 
a public park, have had the same effect. 

The ground landlords of Woolwich, therefore, owe their 
increased incomes largely to the action of the State and of the 
municipality — those great co-operative organisations through 
which the people act, always imperfectly, often unconsciously, for 
the common weal. The result, viz., that the profits go to the land- 
holders, is just the same when the State or municipality delegate 
some of their co-operative functions to smaller corporations, 
such as railway or tramway companies. While the older means 
of communication still remain "the Queen's Highway" — made, 
owned, maintained, and controlled by public authority — the newer 
high roads, the railways, have been made and are, at present, 
owned, maintained, and operated by private corporations, under 
the sanction and control of the State. London and some other 
towns still allow the supply of water and gas to be undertaken for 
them by joint-stock companies. But, whether the community does 
its own work or "puts it out," the result is just the same. The 
land agent who wishes to sell land quotes the abundant supply of 
pure soft water, the excellent railway service, just as he quotes the 
good roads, perfect drainage, excellent schools, &c, as reasons why 
the landlord should get a high price for the land. 

Nor, when co-operation is limited, definite, and conscious, are 
the results different, if the benefit be definite and general. The 
success of the local trade unions in getting an increase of wages 
resulted, both at Woolwich and Deptford, in a general increase of 
rents; for the benefit was fairly general, owing to the fact that 
so large a proportion of the workers were in Government employ- 
ment.! 



* In buying eleven acres of land at Woolwich for an open space the value 
was increased by £3,000 because a free ferry had been established at the rate- 
pavers' expense. — The late William Saunders, M.P., L.C.C., "The Land Struggle 
in London ' (1891), p. 13. 

f Replying to a demand for higher wages for the labourers in Deptford 
Victualling Yard, Mr. (roschen (House of Commons, April 14th, 1899) said 
"that if it were consistent with proper administrative principles to make an 
advance of the wages of these labourers he would cheerfully do so. But there 
was a larger question than that of the amount involved, which was infinitesimal. 
If the position of the labourers at Woolwich and Deptford was as described, it was 
rather due to sweating landlords than to the rate of wages. The wages had been 
raised 20 per cent in the last ten years, and the house rents 50 per cent. It was 
constantly the case in those districts that the increase of wages only led to a 
larger sum going into the pockets of the landlords, and he was even told that 
some of the men who were locally the loudest in the cry for justice to the 
labourers were owners of cottage property, who would benefit if the wages were 
raised." — Standard, April 15th. 



301 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



A general economy in expenditure operates in the same way as 
a general increase of earnings. Mr. Ben Jones,* of the London 
Branch of the Co-operative Wholesale Society, has placed it on 
record that the successful work of the Eoyal Arsenal Co-operative 
Society "made the property around much more valuable, and it 
was the only cause of that property being made much more 
valuable;" and we have the testimony of a Woolwich clergyman 
that "rents are higher within a distance that a man can walk home 
to his dinner from the Arsenal." He gets his mid-day meal 
cheaper, but he has to share the saving with the landlord. The 
competition for houses near the Arsenal or the Store translates the 
advantage of living in the better positions into land value, and 
ultimately into ground rent. 

It will be noted once more that the landlord, as such, does not 
appear as a prominent or active agent in the creation of land 
values. His function is rather to receive them. So far as he is 
concerned, the successive increments of value of which his rent 
has been made up are "unearned." In no other sense can 
we speak of "unearned increment;" for every penny of it is 
earned — by the public. Thirty years ago Prof. J. E. Thorold 
Rogers denned the position of the landlord in an often-quoted 
paragraph : — 



Every permanent improvement of the soil, every railway and road, every 
bettering of the general condition of society, every facility given for produc- 
tion, every stimulus supplied to consumption, raises rent. The landowner 
sleeps, but thrives. He alone, among all the recipients in the distribution of 
products, owes everything to the labour of others, contributes nothing of his 
own. He inherits part of the fruits of present industry, and has appropriated 
the lion s share of accumulated intelligence. f 

Many years earlier Patrick Edward Dove had suggested the same 
idea in a single forcible sentence : — 

If, in the heart of London, a space of twenty acres had been enclosed by a 
high wall at the time of the Norman Conquest, and if no man had ever touched 
that portion of soil, or even seen it from that time to this, it would, if let by 
auction, produce an enormously high rent. 

So complete and so complicated is the interdependence of one 
member upon another in that great co-operative institution, the 
modern State, that it is practically impossible to define accurately 



* Select Committee on Town Holdings, July 5th, 1887. 

+ " Political Economy," Chap. XII. Prof. Rogers here gives a hint of some considerations 
which have, perhaps, not yet been sufficiently worked out by economists. It is pretty clearly 
understood that a general improvement of efficiency in production crystallises into land 
value, and that a material "bettering of the general condition of society," e.g., by the raising 
of wages (trade unionism), or by an economy in expenditure (distributive Co-operation), does 
the same thing. But we are not yet in a position accurately to estimate the effect of mental 
and moral " betterings " on land values, although they undoubtedly lead to material improve- 
ment. The work of the Educational Committee of a Co-operative Society, or of a School 
Board, would obviously be covered by the quotation from Thorold Rogers. 



302 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



the share which any one class or locality has in the creation of 
local land value. It is quite certain, for instance, that the people of 
London are not entitled to the sole credit of London land values. 
London land is made valuable by the presence of the Government 
headquarters and because of the concentration of commerce within 
the area of the metropolis, as well as by the activity of the County 
Council. But the whole country contributes to the cost of main- 
taining the Government and its offices, and the customers upon 
whom the London shipper and merchant depend are to be found 
in every town and village in the kingdom. The presence of the 
High Courts of Justice in the Strand gives a special value to sites 
in the Temple and other neighbouring quarters where lawyers 
most do congregate, but the laws which are there administered 
run to the remotest hamlet. 

The taxpayers all over the kingdom who help to maintain the 
" Eoyal Parks" in London are also helping to keep up the extra- 
vagant cost of sites in Park Lane, where the South African 
millionaire delights to build his palace. Although the British 
Museum is most easily accessible to Londoners, and has its special 
effect upon the rent of lodgings in Bloomsbury, the benefits of its 
reading-room are placed, by the printing press, within the reach of 
every student and newspaper reader in the kingdom. Portsmouth, 
Dover, Plymouth, Woolwich are specially affected, as to their land 
values, by the immediate presence of great works of naval defence, 
but the land values of Hastings and Brighton also owe something 
to the presence of the Channel Squadron. The agricultural labourer 
in a remote country village may never have travelled beyond the 
bounds of his own parish ; but, as he goes about his farm work, or 
spends his earnings in the village shop, or smokes his pipe after 
his daily toil, he is contributing something by his labour, his 
expenditure, and his taxpaying towards the causes which make 
London land a thousand times more valuable than the most fertile 
of his native fields. The value of land in a country market town 
depends upon the labours of the agricultural population in the 
surrounding villages, and every village grocer is a link in the chain 
which connects the agricultural labourer with Mincing Lane, and 
helps to make land valuable in the neighbourhood of the London 
Docks. It would be as idle to credit the whole of the increase of 
London land values to the activities and expenditure of those who 
live in London as to claim for the Co-operators of Manchester, 
London, Glasgow, and Newcastle the whole of the profits of Co- 
operative wholesale trading because the chief offices happen to be 
situated in those cities; for it is in the widest sense of the words 
that land values are created by the people. The material results 
of all our national and local co-operation inevitably express them- 



303 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



selves in terms of land value. A house facing a public park will 
command a higher rent than a house of exactly similar build in a 
back street. A shop with a frontage to a main road lets for more 
than a similar shop in a less busy thoroughfare. A four-roomed 
cottage in a busy town commands a rent many times greater than 
that of as good a cottage in a rural district, where opportunities 
for labour are small and municipal conveniences almost non- 
existent. In all these cases the difference of value attaches to the 
site and not to the building. Thus, the man who pays the higher 
rent is already paying for the advantages which the " Government 
of the Sovereign " places within his reach, and is paying in propor- 
tion to his share in those advantages. He is paying for them in 
exactly the same way as the tenant of a fifth-floor in a large block 
of offices pays for the convenience of the common lift, viz., in an 
increase of rent proportionate to the convenience which the use of 
the lift offers him. But, unfortunately, he is paying his rent, not 
to the "Government" which has rendered him the service, but to 
the landlord. 

The extraordinary fact emerges from our inquiry that there is 
in full operation here and now a system of taxation which accu- 
rately measures the value of the benefits which each locality and 
individual receives from the State, and that this tax (usually called 
"economic rent" or "land value"), instead of going to the State, 
is treated as the private property of a favoured section of the com- 
munity. It is only necessary to convert this private tax into a 
public one, and to abolish the present public taxes, in order to 
arrive at a system of taxation based upon justice. The community 
should itself collect the price paid for the benefits which itself 
confers. This is what is meant by the taxation of land values : 
" The abolition of all taxes upon labour, and the products of 
labour, and the earnings of labour, and the increase of taxation 
upon land values until the whole annual value of land is taken in 
taxation for public purposes; " or, in other words, the adoption of 
land values as the basis upon which both taxes and rates shall be 
levied. 

III. 

The enormous growth of municipal expenditure during late 
years has given to the vexed question of the incidence of local 
taxation a great and increasing importance. It is a question 
upon which popular opinion is directly at variance with the 
opinion of most experts, and upon which experts differ among 
themselves. 

The view almost universally adopted by occupiers of houses, 
and by Progressive candidates who appeal to their suffrages at 



304 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



elections, is that the rates are a burden upon the occupiers of 
buildings in addition to the full rent, and that the "landlord," who 
receives the rent, pays none, or practically none, of the rates. 
From this point of view the taxation of land values is advocated as 
a measure for directly affording "relief to the occupying rate- 
payer." 

On the other hand, many economists, nearly all surveyors, 
valuers, and estate agents, men of vast practical experience in 
questions of value, assessment, and rating, like the Statistical 
Officer and the Valuer and Assistant Valuer to the London County 
Council, maintain that rates really come out of "rent," i.e., out of 
land value. " The economic value of premises is not rent only, but 
rent plus rates, from which it follows that the owners of rent pay 
all rates."" 1 ' 

It is only necessary to consider the two extreme theories. (1) 
If it be true that the occupier pays the full annual value of land 
and house, and, in addition, the whole of the rates, the injustice of 
the present system stands naked and unashamed, for no one 
would now seriously defend a proposal that the occupier should 
pay the full value of the site which he occupies, and at the same 
time bear the whole expense of making and keeping that site 
valuable, while the landlord pays nothing at all. If this theory 



* Report by Statistical Officer of London County Council on " New Sources 
of Revenue," 1897. Mr. Sidney Webb (Town Holdings Committee, 1890, 
quest. 35, ff.) bolds that, according to economic theory, "in a state of perfect 
competition, where there is no economic friction, and in the long run all 
imposts levied in proportion to the rent of natural advantages, unimproved 
land, fall upon the owner," and that " the rate on buildings falls in the same 
way as the rate on land, that is, upon the owner, or would conditionally on 
the absence of economic friction," but that " the economic friction, in the 
opinion of economists, eats away the theory;" and that "it really does not in 
actual life do anything of the kind in either case." John Stuart Mill ("Poli- 
tical Economy," 8th edit., Book V., ch. iii.) held that "a tax on rent [land 
value] falls wholly on the landlord." But "the rent of a house consists 
of two parts, the ground rent and . ... the building rent. 
A tax of so much per cent on the gross rent falls on both these portions 
alike. ... As much of it as is a tax on building rent falls on the 
consumer, in other words, the occupier. ... As taxes on rent, 
properly so called, fall on the landlord, a tax on ground rent, one 
would suppose, must fall on the ground landlord, at least after the expira- 
tion of the lease," but not "unless with the tax on ground rent there is com- 
bined an equivalent tax on agricultural rent." That is to say, on the whole 
and in the long run, a tax levied on all land, according to its value, falls on the 
landlord, and a tax on the value of houses, apart from land, on the occupier. 
Professor Seligman ("On the Shifting and Incidence of Taxation") believes 
that "when the local real estate tax is levied according to rental value and 
assessed in the first instance on the occupier, as is the case in England, the 
main burden of the tax will rest ultimately on the occupier, not the owner of 
the premises." 



305 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



could be proved to be in accord with the facts, the argument for 
the taxation of land values would be simple and irresistible. But 
we know (2) that there is a large body of economic and professional 
opinion which favours the view that the rates really fall, or at 
least have a strong tendency to fall, on land value. There is so 
much to be said for this view that it at least calls for a careful 
analysis. It must be premised, however, that no one alleges that 
the rates come out of the sum which the landlord receives as 
ground rent. The argument is that the incoming tenant takes 
into account the amount of rates which he will have to pay, and 
offers a smaller rent in consequence. This, as it were, throws the 
burden of the rates back upon the builder of the house ; but he 
has already taken the rates into account in fixing the amount of 
the ground rent which he is willing to pay to the freeholder, upon 
whom the burden thus ultimately falls. If all the municipal 
services went on as usual, and there were no rates, he would get 
a ground rent just so much the greater. 

Consider the case of a new house in a London suburb. The 
ground rent (which may be supposed to represent very nearly the 
present net annual value to the freeholder) is £7. The house is 
worth £30 a year, apart from the value of its site. The occupier 
pays £37 in "rent," and is assessed at £30, upon which he pays 
rates at 6s. Sd. in the £, i.e., a total of £10 in rates. According to 
the popular theory the full value of the land is £7 a year, which 
the occupier pays, in addition to the value of the house (made up 
of interest on cost of building and of annual cost of insurance and 
repairs) and the whole of the rates. But, according to the theory 
which is now under discussion, the true annual value of the land 
is £17, and if the landlord undertook to pay the rates he would 
get £17 for it in ground rent. As the building agreement provided 
that the builder (or his tenant) should pay the rates, and it was 
foreseen that there would be a demand for £10 a year in rates as 
soon as the house was occupied, the freeholder could only get £7 
net. Whichever theory be correct, there is no disputing the fact 
that the occupier pays a total sum of £17 a year for permission to 
occupy the premises, and it is difficult to resist the conclusion that 
competition would compel him to pay £17 a year even if (other 
things being equal) the landlord paid the rates directly. 

There is reason to believe that the practical truth lies between 
the two economic extremes. There is an undoubted tendency for 
the rates to fall upon the value of the "property/' and ultimately 
upon the value of the site. If the rates were assessed upon land 
value, that tendency would probably be made effective, even if the 
rates were collected, as now, from the occupier. As it is, the 
economic tendency is disguised, especially in London and some 



21 



306 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



other towns, by the working of the leasehold system ; hindered by 
the fact that "ratable value," and not land value, is the basis of 
rating; and frustrated, in the case of those properties, urban as 
well as rural, which come within the operation of the Agricultural 
Rating Act, by the transfer of half the burden of the rates to the 
Imperial Exchequer. 

If, as has been shown, the benefits conferred by Govern- 
ment are measured by land value, it becomes clear that ratable 
value is not a just basis of local taxation, for ratable value 
consists of land value plus the value of buildings and other 
improvements, minus certain deductions allowed by statute. 
Moreover, unoccupied property, no matter how valuable, is usually 
discharged from assessment and pays no rates. Ratable value is 
calculated from "gross value," which is defined, in the case of 
London, as meaning — 

The annual rent which a tenant might reasonably be expected, taking one 
year with another, to pay for an hereditament, if the tenant undertook to pay 
all usual tenant's rates and taxes, and if the landlord undertook to bear the 
cost of repairs and insurance and other expenses, if any, necessary to maintain 
the hereditament in a state to command that rent. (Metropolis Valuation Act, 
1869, s. 4.) 

A maximum deduction of one-fourth is permitted where the 
gross annual value does not exceed £20 ; of one-fifth up to a gross 
value of £40; of one-sixth where the gross value exceeds £10. 
Thus a house for which a tenant might reasonably be expected to 
pay £20 a year is assessed at £15; £35 a year at £28; and so on. 
The deductions here mentioned, although generally adopted, are 
the maximum deductions allowed by the Act, and are supposed to 
represent the average annual cost of repairs and insurance. In 
every case where the land value bears a large proportion to the 
total value of the property these deductions are excessive, and give 
an unfair advantage to the owner or occupier; for the land is not 
a wasting property and entails no charge for repairs, but is, on the 
contrary, usually being increased in value by the growth, industry, 
and expenditure of the surrounding population. 

Moreover, when land suitable for building within an urban 
district is still used for agricultural purposes it is assessed, not 
upon " the annual rent which a tenant might reasonably be 
expected to pay " for building purposes, i.e., upon the value which 
the community has conferred upon it, but upon the rent at which 
it is letting for agricultural uses. 

The inclusion of building values with land values as the basis 
of assessment to the local rates destroys all relation between the 
amounts paid for the benefits of local government and the standard 



307 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION, 



by which alone those benefits can be measured. The following 
table is based upon actual cases in London, recently quoted 
before the Eoyal Commission on Local Taxation by the Assistant 
Valuer to the London County Council; the figures, for convenience 
of comparison, being reduced to terms of £100 worth of " gross 
annual value " : — 



D 



Central London 

i) it 

Inner Suburb 38 

)> >) .• • • 

j) n 

>> >> 

Outer Suburb 



Net 

Land 
Value. 


Xet 

Building 

Value. 


Allowance 

for 
Repairs, &c. 


" Gross 
Annual 
Value." 


Rates 

( Count y 

and Parish i. 


£ s. 


£ 


s. 


£ a. 


£ 


s. 


£ s. 


70 14 


12 


11 


16 12 


100 





22 4 


67 10 


15 


18 


16 12 


100 





22 14 


51 16 


31 


12 


16 12 


100 





21 12 


38 1 


15 


1 


16 12 


100 





23 4 


29 14 


53 


11 


16 12 


100 





24 


25 8 


58 





16 12 


100 





22 


20 


63 


8 


16 12 


100 





22 14 


15 18 


67 


10 


16 12 


100 





25 



Note. — Column "A" gives net land value. The full economic value of the land 
according to the theory under discussion. <>.. ground rent (net land value) plus rates, is the 
sum of cols. "A" and "E." Column "B" gives net building value, <'.... letting value of house 
(not including ground rent) minus cost of insurance and repairs. Column "D" corresponds 
to "gross value" (as defined by the Valuation Act), which includes cost of repairs and does 
not include rates. "Ratable value" = col. "A" -I- col. "B," or col. "D" — col. " C," and liiv 
be taken in each case as £84, odd shillings being neglected in practice. 

The advantages of position, i.e., the respective shares in the 
benefits of government conferred by the occupancy of each site, are 
represented by the land value, i.e., by the greatly varying figures 
in col. A ; or (on the theory that land value = ground rent -4- rates) 
by the greatly varying figures made up by adding col. A to col. E ; 
but the ratable value is the same in all the cases, and the rates, 
although they vary within narrow limits (owing partly to differences 
between the rates in different parishes, and partly to the exemption 
of "the City" from certain county rates), bear no proportion 
whatever to the variations of site value. If the rate in the £ 
could be completely "equalised" for all London parishes the 
figures in col. E would become uniform, but the burden of the 
rates would not thereby be equalised in any true sense, for it is 
not an "equal" arrangement to be compelled to pay the same 
amount of money for widely differing values of service. The 
true method of "equalising" the rates is to make them equally 
proportional to land value. 



308 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



When we pass from occupied premises to unoccupied land, the 
injustice of our present system becomes very plain. Keeping well 
within actual London figures, let us take an acre of land in one of 
the growing outer suburbs. The land is at present unbuilt upon, 
although there is a great demand for houses in the locality, because 
the landowner is waiting till he can get from some builder a price, 
or a ground rent, at which he thinks it would pay him to sell or let 
the land. The land may be absolutely unused, and in this case it 
will, in many parishes, be excused from rating altogether, on the 
ground that there is no "beneficial occupation; " or it may be used 
for grazing purposes and assessed at, probably, £3 or £5 ; or as a 
market garden with a somewhat higher assessment. On the 
assessment the "owner" pays six shillings in the £ as rates. 
Although the landlord's contribution to the rates is very small 
indeed, and may be nothing at all, the benefits which he derives 
from the expenditure of the rates are very large, for the provision 
of urban conveniences — sewers, public lighting, Board Schools, 
public baths, and so on — is converting his agricultural land into 
building land, with a large selling value which is increasing every 
week, and which he can realise any day by putting his land on the 
market. 

The benefit is none the less real because he derives only a 
small present income from the land. If he chooses to let the 
benefit accumulate in the land as in a savings bank, he is neverthe- 
less receiving it all the time. By and by he finds a builder who is 
willing to take his acre of land on a building lease at a ground rent. 
The builder cuts up the acre into twenty plots, paying a ground 
rent of at least £5 per plot, and spends, say, £300 each on building 
twenty houses, which he lets finally at £29 per house (= £5 
ground rent + £18 interest on £300, spent in building, at 6 per 
cent, -\- £6 for insurance and repairs). The local authority 
assesses each house at, say, £24, and levies rates, say, at six 
shillings in the £ (= £7. 4s.). 

Now, on the theory that rates are a deduction from land 
value, the builder, who pays £5 a plot, would, if the landlord 
paid the rates directly, have been willing to pay £12 a plot, and 
would have been able to do it without trenching upon his own 
trade profit — the land is worth £12 a plot, or £240 per acre per 
annum. 

The next acre to it is not yet built upon, because the continued 
demand for houses has encouraged the freeholder to stand out "for 
the rise." But it is equally worth £240 gross, or £100 net, because 
of the benefits which it derives from the expenditure of the rates, 
and, if let on lease for building, would yield its owner at least £100 
net in ground rent. 



309 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



Let us compare the two acres, each equally benefited by "the 
good Government of the Sovereign." 



Net Net Total Ratable Rates 

Laud Building Letting y j Paid 

Value. ^ alue. \ alue. 



£ £ £ £ £ s. 

Acre unbuilt upon 100 — — 5 1 10 

Acre built upon j 100 360 580 480 111 



There is no question upon which greater unanimity of opinion 
exists in London than upon the desirability of increasing the pro- 
vision of houses for the people ; yet here we have the conversion 
of an acre of bare land into an acre of houses penalised, owing to 
the present unjust basis of local taxation, by an increase of rating 
from £1. 10s. to £140 a year ! 

Suppose, on the other hand, that land values were substituted 
for ratable values as the basis of local taxation. We can estimate 
the effect of this by assuming, first, that all the present rates are 
abolished. The true value of the land already built over will then 
plainly appear as £240, at which it will then be assessed. But the 
neighbouring acre is, ex hypothesi, of the same value. If, then, 
the new rates, based upon land values, are imposed, each of the 
estates would be assessed upon its value £240, and would yield 
an equal amount to the rates. But the "owner" of the acre of 
bare land, who has been holding it back from the building market 
till he can " get his price," having no income out of which to pay 
his rates, would be forced either to build on the land or to let or 
sell it to someone else for building purposes ; and, when built upon, 
there would be no increase of rates in respect of the buildings. 
The ring fence which our present rating system draws round a 
growing town would be broken through, and the terrible housing 
problem would be placed in the way of solution. Moreover, the 
bringing into the market of a virtually new supply of building land 
would, by competition, bring down the cost of land both to builders 
and occupiers, and tend to cause a reduction of rents all round. 
Some such idea was evidently present in the minds of the Eoyal 
Commission on the Housing" of the Working Classes when they 
reported in favour of assessing vacant land " at, say, 4 per cent on 
its selling value.""" 

The adoption of land value as the basis of taxation and rating 
would mean much more than a mere fiscal reform. The enthusiasm 



* First Report (1885) p. 42. Tbe following Commissioners dissented from 
the proposal: Lord Salisbury. Mr. Goschen, and Sir R. A. Cross. 



310 



A JUST BASIS OF TAXATION. 



with which it is advocated is inspired by the belief that it gives the 
master key to most of the social reforms for which thoughtful 
citizens are agitating. It would do justice to the whole community 
by taking for public purposes those values which the public creates. 
It would get rid of the social injustices which our present system 
of taxation inflicts upon poor men, poor classes, and poor neigh- 
bourhoods. There could be no more complaint of the over- 
taxation of Ireland, or of the rural districts, or of the east ends of 
our towns if taxation were proportioned to land values. As all 
citizens help to create land values, all citizens would share in their 
benefits if they were taken in taxation for the common benefit. It 
would then be possible to afford real relief to the agricultural rate- 
payers without throwing the burden of rural rates on a national 
Exchequer largely replenished by the oppressive methods of indirect 
taxation ; for, while taxation would be small in rural districts where 
land values are low, the rural population would benefit by the 
tapping of the immense land values of the towns, which they help 
to create. The towns would benefit by the opening up of vacant 
land to the builder, and the country by the opening up of idle land 
to the farmer and labourer, under the pressure of a tax levied on 
the value of the land according to the best use to which it can be 
put. Thus a great step would be taken towards the breaking down 
of land monopoly, and of the monopolies dependent upon it, and 
towards the solution of the housing and unemployed problems. 
Production and commerce would be stimulated by the removal of 
the fines now laid upon those w T ho add to the national wealth. 

By none should the adoption of a just basis of taxation be more 
ardently desired and worked for than by Co-operators, for, as con- 
sumers, they would benefit more than the average by the abolition 
of the indirect taxes upon many of the commodities in which they 
trade; as distributors they would share in the increased demand 
for goods; and the great hindrance to productive Co-operation 
would be removed by the reform of a fiscal system which allows 
and even encourages the land monopolist to levy blackmail upon 
those who desire to put land to productive use, and which 
penalises, by heavy taxation, the erection of a store or factory, or 
of a block of workmen's dwellings. 



376 and 377, Strand, London, W.C., 
August, 1899. 



311 



for Direct Ceaislatioth 



BY ALEX. M. THOMPSON. 




*Y^HE theory of Government in Great Britain, as Mr. 
~j) Gladstone stated it in the celebrated Home Kule 
debate of February, 1893, is that "We are a self- 
governing people— i.e., a people governing ourselves 
by our majorities." This theory is the base of all 
our boasts of liberty : that the body of the nation is 
the sovereign legislative power,' not ruled by others for their 
interest, but ruling itself according to its own desires and 
requirements. 

There is no question in any British statesman's utterances of 
the people's fitness to exercise this power. Every candidate at 
every Parliamentary election admits, upholds, and flaunts the 
British people's right to self-government. It is the will of the 
nation, they say, which makes the laws ; and it is only the will of 
the nation" which invests the laws with their authority. The 
masses of the people, we are assured, are distinguished by so 
enlightened a patriotism, so much good sense, and so comprehensive 
a fitness for the management of their own affairs that the most 
eminent of politicians could aspire to no higher distinction than 
the honour of their mandate to act as their agent to carry out their 
instructions in Parliament. 

That is, unquestionably, the theory upon which our system of 
Parliamentary Government is based. 

If, therefore, it can be shown that the theory is not justified in 
practice — if it can be shown that our Parliamentary system is not, 
never has been, and never can be representative of the desires of 
the nation — if it can be shown that the laws are not the expression 
of the needs of the mass, but only the assertion of the privileges of 
the few, it will not serve the champions of the existing system to 
oppose or confuse that system's indictment by then beginning to 
discuss the competence of the people to govern themselves. 

The power and right of the electors is conceded universally. 
"It is admitted," said the Hon. H. G. Keid, Premier of New South 



312 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



Wales, to the Parliament of that colony, "that their yea and nay 
is to be the supreme power, the final word in the law making of 
the nation," and it is too late now to go back from that admission. 
The people's title is no longer in dispute. Even Lecky recognises 
that "democracy is an inevitable fact." 

The only question open to discussion is whether the present 
system affords the people opportunity to exercise their undeniable 
right ; and if it can be shown that it does not do this, then the next 
question for discussion is, How can the system be amended to 
give the fullest possible effect to the admitted constitutional design 
of democratic government, and to substitute an actual for a merely 
theoretic sovereignty of the people ? 



To begin, then. 

Do the people of Great Britain "govern themselves," as Mr. 
Gladstone claimed, "by their majorities?" 

At the threshold of our inquiry we are confronted by the fact 
that the legislative power is vested in two Chambers, the one 
elected and temporary, the other hereditary and permanent. 

These two Chambers are not equal. Should the Lower Chamber 
refuse to accept a legislative proposal sanctioned by the Upper, the 
recalcitrant body may be dissolved in order that the electorate may 
sit in judgment upon their decision. 

But should the Upper Chamber decline to accede to a proposal 
submitted by the Lower, the proposal is thereby defeated and 
destroyed ; there is no appeal from the veto of the Upper Chamber, 
for the Chamber is supreme, and irresponsible to any electors. 

It exists, frankly and impudently, to protect the privileges and 
prerogatives of those persons who compose it. It is, frankly and 
impudently, a barrier maintained by a few monopolists against 
the development of the Commonwealth. It has absolutely nothing 
in common with the general interests, and scarcely troubles to 
disguise its contempt for the democracy. 

To the House of Lords the vox populi is not the vox Dei, but 
"a common cry of curs whose breath it hates as reek o' th' rotten 
fens, whose loves it prizes as the dead carcases of unburied men 
that do corrupt its air." 

The principle of democratic self-government is obviously in- 
compatible with the existence of a body so constituted and possessed 
of legislative power so interested, so arbitrary, and so uncontrolled. 
If no more than this flagrant anomaly were provable against our 
system of government it would suffice by itself to demolish the 
pretence of the rule of the people, by the people, for the people. 



313 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



But, alas ! that is by no means the only contradiction between 
our theory and practice of government. 

The House of Lords has this, at least, in its favour — that it 
scarcely pretends to be anything else than what it is. 

But the House of Commons affects to regard the " barbarous 
multitude" on whose suffrages it depends, as the depositaries of 
the national wisdom, and to harbour no higher ambition than to 
register and enforce the people's sovereign will; it professes to 
represent the nation, and to act only in obedience to instructions 
given by the nation ; and it is this pretence which constitutes the 
most formidable obstacle to true democratic government, because 
it deceives the peoj^le and beguiles even earnest democrats into 
more or less placid acquiescence in the existing system of 
government . 

For the pretence is only a pretence. The system of Parlia- 
mentary representation is a misrepresentation. Our free choice of 
rulers is a sham. 

Look round. Consider. How are our Parliamentary delegates 
selected ? 

In the first place, Parliamentary candidates are not chosen by 
the masses at all, but by coteries of partisans and wire-pullers. 

When an election is held a couple of candidates are set up, the 
one by the Carlton Club, the other by the Caucus, and the free and 
independent elector must vote, if he vote at all, either for the one 
or the other. 

What are the candidates to him, or he to the candidates? They 
are drawn from the classes, and know nothing of the lives of the 
masses. How can he by voting for this professional partisan or 
that professional place-hunter express and make clear his views 
on the manifold and diverse issues arising from his daily struggle 
for existence? 

As Carlyle asked — 

What is it to him whether Aristides Rigmarole, Esq., of the Destructive, or 
the Hon. Alcides Dolittle, of the Conservative party, be sent to Parliament : 
much more whether the two-thousandth part of them be sent, for that i- the 
amount of his faculty in it '? Destructive or Conservative : what will either of 
thern destroy or conserve of vital moment to this freeman '? Has he found 
either of them care, at bottom, a sixpence for him or his interests, or those of 
his class or of his cause, or of any class or cause that is of much value to God 
or to men '? Kigrnarole and Dolittle have alike cared for themselves hitherto. 
and for their own clique and self-conceited crotchets, their greasy, dish 
interests of pudding, or windy, dishonest interests of praise, and not very 
perceptibly for any other interest whatever. 

It is true that other interests are discussed during the electoral 
contest, but our Parliamentary system provides no means of 



314 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION, 



definitely ascertaining the electors' views about them. The system 
seems designed rather to shirk than to seek a clear electoral 
mandate. It converts the constituencies, not into discussion 
forums, nor into a national deliberative council, but into a noisy 
circus of make-believe party passions, furiously raging about nothing 
in particular whilst the fight lasts, and simmering down into the 
most astounding cordiality when no further purpose remains for 
cozening or distracting the electors. 

Professor Goldwin Smith, writing in the Nineteenth Century 
(May, 1899), on our system of elections, describes it as 

The permanent division of the nation into two political organisations, to one 
of which each citizen is bound through life on pain of being regarded as an 
apostate to adhere, and which are to carry on a perpetual struggle for the 
offices of State, each of them assailing and traducing the other with much of 
the moral bitterness of a civil war, though the theory is that both of them are 
equally necessary to the operation of the political machine. Such a system 
appears to me neither rational nor moral, nor do I believe that it can for ever 
endure. National interests are put out of sight. Patriotism gives way to party. 
The main question is what effect the particular course will have upon the 
balance of parties or the possession of power. Fundamental questions are 
raised, and political revolutions are set on foot, not from a conviction of their 
necessity, but because a party needs wind in its sails. 

The pretence that any expression of the people's desires can be 
evolved from such a hocus-pocus is manifestly ridiculous. 

What " mandate " was issued to the Parliamentary delegates by 
the electors of 1895 ? The political leaders have been pretending 
to look for it ever since, but nobody has found it yet. 

All sorts of reasons have been assigned for the defeat of the 
Liberals on that occasion. We have been told, in turns, that it was 
due to Mr. Gladstone's Home Pule Bill, to the Liberal attitude on 
Employers' Liability, to the attack on the House of Lords, to 
general maladministration, to Disestablishment, to Bimetallism, 
and to a general desire for change. On the morrow of the election, 
one Liberal writer declared that it had gone against his party because 
Lord Posebery had not manifested a sufficiently progressive energy ; 
and another — the ex-editor of the Newcastle Leader — protested that 
the electors had recoiled in horror from revolutionary politicians 
who championed such shameful "interference with liberty" as 
the Eight Hours Day ! 

Mr. Stead, in the " Review of Reviews," lately said : — 

We are supposed to be a self-governed people. But when and where did 
the British electors have any opportunity of saying aye or no to the question 
whether they should be saddled for all time with the immense responsibility of 
policing and civilising the Soudan, including Darfur and the Bahr-el-Ghazel ? 
If the Unionists who carried last general election had been charged by their 
opponents with the intention of adding 1,500,000 square miles of African territory 
to the burden of the British Empire, they would have repudiated the charge as 



315 



FOE DIEECT LEGISLATION. 



a calumny. "Is thy servant a dog that he should do this thing'?"* would have 
been their cry. Yet they have done it, without a mandate and almost without 
a protest. If the " sovereign people " had been Russian serfs they could hardly 
have had less voice in the matter. 

Will anybody venture to pretend that the 2, -480, 524 electors who 
voted for Tories at the last general election meant to convey to 
the Government the desire of the toiling democracy for the 
granting of eleemosynary relief to squires and parsons ? Did the 
Conservative working men design to express a longing for military 
conscription ? How many of the Tory voters of 1895, if directly 
appealed to on these points, would approve the action of the 
Government which their votes brought into power ? And what 
about the 2,376,710 voters who voted for Liberals in 1895? — 
which of the Parliamentary legislative enactments represent their 
views ? 

Two notable electoral contests were fought last July in Oldham 
and St. Pancras. What did they prove? In the one case, two 
Liberal capitalists triumphed over a Tory Democrat and a semi- 
Socialist Tory ; in the other, a Tory capitalist defeated a semi- 
Socialist Liberal. What was the democratic "mandate" to be 
deduced from these elections? 

I saw something of the St. Pancras struggle in passing to and 
fro through the constituency, and I confidently declare that the 
most prominent manifestation of the people's sovereign will revealed 
by the street literature was a protest against the muzzling order ! 
I saw the committee-room of the National Canine Defence League 
plentifully placarded with appeals to the electors to support the 
candidate who had promised to take off the dogs' muzzles, and a 
row of sandwichmen paraded the main streets to demand that the 
Government should " muzzle all or muzzle none." 

After the election the Conservative journals explained the anti- 
muzzling candidate's defeat by declaring that " he ran as a Roman 
Catholic candidate," and "wanted the Church disestablished in the 
interests of the Church of Rome." 

What, then, was the successful Tory candidate's mandate? 
To help the Government to muzzle dogs and Roman Catholics ? It 
needs no great stretch of imagination to conceive of fervent Pro- 
testants voting against a Radical candidate on account of religious 
prejudice, though they might be strongly in favour of Old-age Pen- 
sions and half a dozen other measures which he advocated. What 
became of the people's mandate then? 

I have known a number of fervent teetotalers to support a 
candidate whom they declared the sounder champion of their 
especial legislative hobby, though they differed with him on every 
other question. 



316 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



It is impossible that any delegate should truly and completely 
represent the desires of ten or twenty thousand electors, for no two 
human beings are absolutely agreed about everything ; and in every 
election, therefore, electors are driven, in order to express approval 
of one cherished principle, to adopt half a dozen others which 
they bitterly disapprove, and vice versa. 

Then all sorts of eccentric and personal considerations enter 
into electoral chances. I have known more than one voter to 
plump for a certain candidate in Lancashire because he had made 
a big score in a cricket match against Yorkshire. As the Hon. Ed. 
Batchelor told the South Australian Parliament, "The generous, 
genial candidate who is a good patron of sport always stands a 
good chance. People may vote for another man because he is an 
Irishman, or a German, or a local resident, or because he has 
secured their sympathy by being persecuted in some way, or because 
he is sound on the education or the land question, or even because 
his opponent is too fond of his cups or has been somewhat loose 
in his morals." 

Recognising the hopelessness of any effort to utter an intelligible 
mandate through so distracting an electoral hullabaloo, a few 
earnest people, clumsily and unconsciously groping for the principle 
of direct legislation, have of late years developed a practice of 
demanding explicit pledges from the candidates on specific points 
of policy. Thus one section of electors will visit the Parliamentary 
aspirants to extort a temperance pledge, another to insist on Old- 
age Pensions, a third to demand a housing scheme, a fourth to 
clamour for Irish Home Rule, and so on. But even this ingenious 
plan will not avail to elucidate the electoral confusion, nor to 
establish the democratic mandate ; for experience has shown that, 
to get votes, candidates are cheerfully willing in a general way to 
promise anything ; but when they arrive in Parliament they vote 
just as their party leaders direct, in the same sweet old regular 
style. 

The Member of Parliament, it has been observed, is not at all 
the same person as the candidate. 

Says an observant writer in the New Age : — 

From the moment he is elected a wonderful transformation comes over 
him. The electors hare parted with their sovereignty, and he has secured it. 
He work for the community ? Not much ! He expects the community to 
work for him. If he is a political " top-sawyer," he looks for place, pension, and 
title. If he is a lawyer, he has an eye to briefs, recorderships, and judgeships. 
If he is a "guinea pig," he is after company directorships. If he is a brewer 
or sweating soap-boiler, his M. P. -ship will get his vulgar wife and daughter 
into the " Society " which they covet. If he is a landlord, he has his rents to 
safeguard. If he is a British working man, he ceases to work and lives 
mysteriously, but well. In a word, too many of our " Elected Persons " bave an 
axe to grind. 



317 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



Should the member be reproached with his neglect to fulfil this 
or that promise, he either denies that he ever made it (diplomatic 
ambiguity's artful aid always leaves an opening for that expedient), 
or he complacently points to the impossibility of doing anything 
until his party leaders shall have decided to accept the principle. 
As for other questions that may arise in Parliament, nothing is 
easier than to repudiate the receipt of determinate instructions 
from his constituents ; for who could pick out amidst the confused 
chaotic hue and cry of a contested election the definite mandate of 
the voters ? 

Observe now how this confusion of issues may, and assuredly 
does, affect the legislative result. 

It must be conceded, I think, that such confusion necessarily 
affects the Progressive electors much more than the Conservative. 
The object of merely defending the actual order of things cannot 
possibly divide the electors as does the infinitely varied multiplicity 
of proposals to change. The Progressive forces are divided on a 
legion of suggested remedies for social ills. Differences of opinion 
as to Home Rule for Ireland, Local Option, the Eight Hours Day, 
&c, &c, are causes endlessly productive of party confusion and 
electoral entanglement. 

In London, at the last general election, a multitude of local 
labour questions split the Progressive vote ; in Scotland, the Irish 
question detached a number of earnest Radicals from the cause of 
reform ; in Wales, the Disestablishment controversy worked havoc 
in the Radical ranks. 

Now, in a perfunctory survey of electoral results in these three 
geographical divisions of the country, I find the following amongst 
the list of Conservative successes : — 



London. 



Bethnal Green 160 

Camberwell (North) 693 

Finsbury (East) 270 

Hacknev (Central) 312 

„ ' (South) 319 

Lambeth (North) 401 

Newington (Walworth) ... 553 

(West) 450 



Cons'tive Cons'tive 

Majority. Majority. 

St. Pancras (East) 289 

(North) 211 

Shoreditch (Haggerston) ... 31 

Southwark (Bermondsey) . . 360 

Tower Hamlets (L'house) 590 

,, (St. George's) 4 

(Stepney) 472 



Total Conservative majority in 15) ~ -.-. ~ 
Metropolitan Constituencies j ' 



318 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



Scotland. 



Unionist 
Majority. 

Ayr District 335 

Glasgow (Camlachie) 701 

(St. Eollox) 361 

Inverness 250 

Kilmarnock 381 

St. Andrews 196 

Wick District 24 

Argyll (South) 135 

„ (North) 710 

Ayrshire 550 



Unionist 
Majority. 

Dumbarton 33 

Inverness 100 

Kirkcudbright 170 

Lanark (South) 230 

Peebles 54 

Perthshire 292 

Renfrew 512 

Roxburgh 561 

Stirling 427 

Elgin 128 



Total Unionist majority in 20 i ~ -. ^ 
Scottish Constituencies i ' 



Wales. 



Carmarthen District. 
Denbigh ,, 

Montgomery ,, 



Cons'tive 
Majority. 

52 

229 

84 



Cons'tive 
Majority. 

Pembroke District 179 

Swansea Town 421 

Radnorshire 81 



Conservative majority in 6i -. ^. fi 
Welsh Constituencies j ' 
To summarise : — 

In London 5,115 votes won 15 seats. 

„ Scotland 6,150 ,, ,, 20 ,, 

,, Wales 1,046 ,, ,, 6 ,, 



Total 12,311 



41 



That is to say, that if some 6,200 voters in these places had 
voted Liberal instead of Tory the Unionist cause w r ould have lost 
41 seats, counting on a division in Parliament 82. 

And as against this we have constituencies like Romford, where 
6,429 electors (presumably thoroughgoing supporters of the New- 
castle programme) voted for a Radical candidate without succeeding 
in securing any representation at all ; that is to say that 6,200 
voters, voting against the cause of progress because of conscientious 
objection to perhaps some one clause in the Progressive party's 
avowed programme, make a difference of 82 votes in a House of 
Commons division ; whilst 6,429 other voters, solidly unanimous in 
favour of the Progressive programme, leave absolutely no mark at 
all upon the count of Parliamentary representation. 



319 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



But if we enter upon the wide domain of anomalies and absurdi- 
ties in the count of our representatives we shall never finish. Mr. 
Henry Kimber, the Conservative member for Wandsworth, has 
lately shown in the Times that : — 

The total of the electors in the United Kingdom being 6,600,283, would on 
average give to each of the 670 members who constitute the House of Com- 
mons an electorate of 9,851. 

So far from anything like average equality being attained, however, there 
is a disparity between the highest and lowest electorates returning one member 
of 15 to 1 — that is to say, Romford, the highest, with 26,731 electors, has 15 
times as many as Newry, the lowest, with 1,784 electors. The member for 
Newry has an equal voice and vote on Imperial and English questions as the 
member for Romford. 

Taking for convenience the average at 10,000, the constituencies of under 
10,000 electors are in number a majority and are represented by a majority of 
members, 351 in number, representing on average only 7,222 electors each, and 
in total a minority of 2,535,228 electors. 

The constituencies over 10,000 electors are represented by a minority of 
319 members, but thev represent on average 12,743 electors each, and in total 
a majority of 4,065,061 out of the total of 6,600,289. 

Therefore a minority represent a majority and a converso. Putting it 
otherwise, the power of the country rests with the minority of the people's 
electors, the majority of representatives being elected by that minority. Truly 
minorities in this case may be said to be well represented. 

The old saying "Wisdom resides with the minority" would seem to have 
here a most curious application. To which minority, electors or members, 
shall we allow the wisdom ? 

As the Times remarked in a leader on Mr. Kimber' s figures : — 

Two-thirds of the members of the House of Commons are returned by one- 
half of the electors, and one-third of the members by the other half of the 
electoral body. . . . No one would openly defend some of these differences, 
which are a legacy from times when population was distributed very differently 
from what it is now, and when the opposition of particular interests was 
bought off by concessions to favoured localities at the expense of others. 

As to the remedy, the Times confesses the enormous difficulty, 
the almost impossibility, of a fair distribution. The leader writer 
says of Mr. Kimber's scheme of redistribution: — 

Pass such a scheme, and disproportions as great as those which he mentions 
may quickly reappear. One can conceive a Minister saying, " I will not face the 
odium of passing a measure which would at once deprive this or that con- 
stituency of a single member. The struggle will be bitter even if the case for 
disfranchisement were strong." Many will be reluctant to pass a Redistribution 
Act which will be the preface to another and yet another. 

After the last general election it was pointed out that while a 
majority of about 200,000 only gave the Liberals a majority of 40 
seats in 1892, a surplus of about 100,000 votes gave the Unionists 
in 1895 a majority of 152. 

The Liberal party and its allies polled 49^ per cent of the total 
vote at the last general election, and got 38f per cent of the 



320 



FOE DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



Members of Parliament. The Conservatives and their allies polled 
50-| per cent, and got 61-^- per cent of the Members. A majority 
of 37,000 in nearly five million votes, or less than 1 per cent, gave 
the Conservatives a majority in Parliament of 152 in a total of 670 
Members. 

Mr. G. T. Sadler showed in a letter to the New Age that the 
great army of stay-at-home voters who despair of accomplishing 
anything by the representative system — the people who very 
justifiably ask, "What is the use of voting? It won't make any 
difference ' — numbered 1,100,582 out of a total electorate of 
4,682,698. Out of an adult population of twenty millions, only 
three and a half millions voted. 

No wonder that the absurdity of such mock "representation" 
causes grave disquietude among the quidnuncs ! Mr. Leonard 
Courtney, writing about the general election in the National Review, 
said : — 

The bare fact of experience is enough to demonstrate the utter untrust- 
worthiness of our electoral methods. What a jolly awakening there will be 
some few years hence, when the inevitable argument of experience will show us 
a nation contradicting itself through the voices of its chosen representatives. 

The "waste" of votes in excessive majorities is over 30 per 
cent, and would be much more if uncontested elections could be 
taken into account ! 

Is it possible to conceive a more illogical, futile, or idiotic 
svstem ? Would it be possible to devise any system to make 
confusion worse confounded? Enormous stir of rancorous mad- 
ness, riotous waste of money, and profligate outlay in lying — after 
which a minority of voters may actually elect a majority of repre- 
sentatives, and it shall be utterly impossible for human reason 
to discover anyhow what the electors thought they were voting 
about ! 

"Representative!" Parliament represents the British people 
about as fairly as the Czar of Eussia represents the founders of the 
Christian religion. 

Our Representative House represents sometimes the predomi- 
nance of the landed and sometimes of the financial interests, but 
never the interests, the aspirations, and the opinions of the masses ; 
for it is impossible in the nature of things that the general interests 
of the people should be represented by particular interests which 
are diametrically opposed to them. A writer in the Investors' 
Be view pointed out after the last general election that: — 

The House of Commons embraces 670 Members, and we find that 264 of 
them, or 39 - 4 per cent, are members of boards of directors. This is a smaller 
proportion than might have been expected, but still a sufficiently large one to 
be of great importance in determining the character and moral standpoint of 



321 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



Parliament as a whole. And its significance is enhanced by analysis. These 
264 individuals, for example, help to direct no less than 667 different companies, 
and that although 111 of them are members of one board only. It follows that 
"guinea pigging" must prevail to a considerable extent among the remaining 
153 men who divide the other 556 companies among them. And it does, 
although it is difficult, perhaps, to say just where fair and honest company- 
directing ends and the profession of the " guinea pig " begins. Proceeding 
with our analysis, we find that 61 Members of Parliament have seats on 2 boards, 
40 on 3, 15 on 4, 17 on 5, 8 on 6, 4 on 7, and 3 on 8. Then follow five individuals 
whose directorial labours embrace no less than 69 companies. One sits on 9 
boards, 1 on 10, 1 on 14, 1 on 16, and 1 on 20. This is magnificent. 

And so it is. Fancy the director of twenty money-spinning 
enterprises — matchmaking, lead-glazing, chain-forging, and chemi- 
cal works — looking after the interests in Parliament of the sweated, 
slum-dwelling victims of phossy jaw and lead poisoning ! 

As recipients of rents, royalties, interests, and dividends, some 
600 of the representatives of the people in the House of Commons 
are parasites upon the people's backs ; and because they, from old 
time, have held certain parchment scrawls conferring upon them, 
under laws which the producers had no voice in making, rights of 
ownership in things, some of them not yet existent — things which 
labour will produce to-morrow, next week, next year, or a hundred 
years hence — they cry out that they are being robbed if a term, a 
distant future term, to their exactions is suggested. Their interest 
is opposed always and inevitably to every social reform, for social 
reform must tend necessarily towards equalisation of social oppor- 
tunity, and equalisation of social opportunity can come only through 
the curtailment of the prerogatives and monopolies enforced by 
privileged classes against the masses. 

The workers, the great mass of the people, have less than a 
score of men of their own class to represent them in the one 
House which is open to them — the House which is amusingly 
described as the Popular Chamber. 

The railway shareholders have seventy-eight representatives ; 
the railway workers, nearly 400,000 strong, have not one. One 
hundred and eighty thousand landed proprietors have 155 members ; 
a million agricultural labourers have one. Coal mine owners have 
twenty-one, and 655,000 miners have seven members. The ship- 
owners and builders have twenty-two representatives ; the two 
hundred thousand sailors have one. 

The practical upshot, then, of our " self-government by our 
majorities" is that, after infinite turmoil, excitement, and cost, 
we get one controlling Upper Chamber consisting of 636 undis- 
guised opponents of social reform, and another, a Lower House, 
in which more than 600 out of a total of 670 members are 
equally interested in hindering and delaying progress. Can we 

22 



322 



FOE DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



wonder, then, that the redress of social wrongs and the uplifting 
of the masses out of their moral and physical bogs proceed with 
such heartbreaking slowness ? The eyes of the people are opened 
to the sores that afflict the body politic, and the conscience of the 
nation is aroused. All parties are agreed that " something must 
be done," yet nothing is done. Why? Is not the reason obvious 
enough ? 

Some few of our honourable and right honourable legislators 
are so kind — and some of them so cunning — as to caress and 
cajole their bearers — or supporters, as they prefer to call them — 
and even to express sympathy when the latter pant and groan 
more than usually under their heavy burdens ; but the honourable 
and right honourable gentlemen have never yet, of their own good 
graciousness, manifested any legislative hurry to get off those tired 
bearers' backs. And, with all my faith in altruism, I do not think 
that, of their own accord, they ever will — though, like the elder 
Beecher, I strive to hope on and to pray : "0 Lord, keep us from 
despising our rulers ; and, Lord, keep them from behaving so that 
we can't help it." 

After all, they are not to blame. The fault is in the system. 
So long as the government of the nation is entrusted to a class, so 
long must the interests of that class be preferred to the interests 
of the whole nation. And when I hear it suggested that existing 
social wrongs would be speedily righted if the people's representa- 
tives were selected from another class, I, like the cautious Scotch- 
man in the story, " hae ma doots." 

In the first place, it will be terribly difficult for the moneyless 
masses to secure the election of moneyless candidates against the 
tremendous influence of Moneybags. An effective electoral organ- 
isation is a costly luxury to maintain. Returning officers' fees, 
hire of halls and committee-rooms, billposting, &c, make every 
contest entail enormous expense. The conditions are in every way 
favourable to the success of Moneybags. And though, as the 
Tory Saturday Review remarked (April 22nd, 1899), the modern 
plutocrats " are always ready to turn up the whites of their eyes 
over the recollection of pocket boroughs, they are very careful to 
slur over the fact that seats are quite as thoroughly and far 
more cynically bought, sold, and delivered in the present year of 
grace." 

Even if these difficulties were surmounted — even if Payment 
of Members and State-paid Election Costs had been wrung by the 
electors' firm and protracted insistency from the reluctant capitalists' 
Parliament — there would still remain the House of Lords ; and the 
examples of France and America do not encourage very rosy hopes 



323 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



of the millennium's arrival through the agency of Paid Members. 
King Log is preferable to Tammany, and Salisbury to Dupuy. 
According to Mr. Bodley's "France" — and common knowledge 
confirms his statements — the French people, disgusted by the 
weary succession of Wilsonites, Panamistes, anti-Dreyfusards, &c, 
&c, regard their Parliament with indifference and contempt, and 
are prepared for any revolution that will get rid of the incom- 
petence and corruption of the Politicians-on-the-make. 

As for America, a practically universal suffrage there has spelt 
not democracy but plutocracy. The members of the House of 
Representatives and of the Senate are nearly all Politicians-on-the- 
make. As a writer recently said in the Critic : — 

It has remained for the Great Republic, the land of Triumphant Democracy, 
to perfect within the populace itself the political manacles that hold it down. 
Mr. Croker has wrought with exceeding wisdom on material made plastic to 
his hand by the soulless manipulations of the Carnegies, the Leiters, the Have- 
meyers, the Goulds, the Pullmans, and their like. America, thanks to the great 
corporations, the neglect of systematic political activity, and the lack of popular 
sympathy in its best elements, is become the Paradise of the Boodler. 

Our Labour representatives might prove more worthy of their 
trust. One never knows. But whilst their mandate continued to 
depend on the baffling incoherence of party elections — w T hilst the 
mad, deep-rooted rancour of inarticulate partisanship drove the 
Sam Woods to one side and the James Mawdsleys to another, to 
fight and defeat each other in unavailing party strife — what advan- 
tage could the electors derive from the substitution of Delegate 
Corduroy for Delegate Broadcloth ? As Professor Goldwin Smith 
said, in the Nineteenth Century article from which I have already 
quoted : — 

A party Parliament cannot be a national council or a deliberative assemb y 
in the true sense of the term. It is an arena of party strategy and rhetoric. 
The object of the Government is to hold its place against an Opposition always 
struggling to discredit and supplant it, and the energies which should be 
devoted to administration are largely consumed in mere defence. 

The remedy, it seems to me, is to afford the people a constitu- 
tional method by which they themselves can veto questionable 
legislation and initiate the reforms they need by direct legislative 
action. Our Parliamentary system, as it stands, is too heavy, 
cumbrous, lop-sided, and slow to keep pace with the needs and 
aspirations of a democracy awakening at last to its rights, its 
wrongs, and its responsibilities. Some reformers propose to mend 
it by Payment of Members, Payment of Returning Officers' Fees, 
Second Ballot, Electoral Redistribution, and Abolition of the House 
of Lords. I say that, at the usual rate of Parliamentary procedure, 
it will take twenty to fifty years to win seven constitutional changes 
of such importance, and that the remedy is not by any means sure 



324 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



to cure. I claim that on this and kindred topics the spouting 
politician and the penny paper are false guides, for they are 
guides that not only draw us further from the real goal but 
actually lead us by insidious and protracted stages towards the 
false goal, towards the old doctrinaire Eadical goal, the goal of a 
blind, childish, helpless trust in an impotent Legislature, with the 
delirium of revolution and the illusion of charlatan-worship as its 
consequences. I maintain that interest will never be made to 
coincide with justice in any form of government except where the 
people rule themselves, and I insist that before the people can 
have laws made in the general interest they must be invested with 
power to make their own laws. The reform that I advocate, as 
the clearest, straightest, and surest way to the democratic self- 
government extolled by Mr. Gladstone, is the adoption in Britain 
of the Eeferendum and Initiative. 

These two words, derived from the Latin, explain themselves. 
The Eeferendum is a principle of government which provides 
that, upon the passing of any law by Parliament, a petition signed 
by a reasonable percentage of voters may cause the operation of 
the law to be suspended until the question of its acceptance or 
rejection shall have been submitted to a direct vote of the whole 
electorate. 

The Initiative, which all supporters of Direct Legislation 
regard as inseparable from the Eeferendum, provides that a reason- 
able percentage of voters may, on petition, originate or initiate a 
Bill, and submit it to Parliament ; if Parliament passes the Bill, it 
becomes law ; if Parliament rejects it, it goes to a Eeferendum, or 
vote of the whole people, at the next ensuing election. 

The exercise of these two functions by the people is optional, 
and would only occur when Parliament failed to provide legislation 
suited to the popular needs. 

The practicability of the Eeferendum and Initiative has been 
demonstrated in many States, but first and chiefly in Switzerland, 
where it has been clearly shown that " the democratic system has 
manifold advantages over the representative, and that no higher 
degree of political freedom and justice can be obtained than by 
granting to the least practicable minority the legal right to propose 
a law, and to the majority the right to accept or reject it." 

If the Swiss Parliament passes a Bill to which many electors 
are opposed, 30,000 citizens petition the Federal Council for the 
Eeferendum. The Bill is then submitted to the direct vote of the 
people, and if defeated remains for three years absent from the 
legislative programme; if accepted, it becomes law on the 1st of 
January following. 



325 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



If the Swiss Parliament shows unwillingness to legislate on a 
subject about which a large section of the people have made up 
their minds, 50,000 petitioners force the hand of the Federal 
Council, who frame a Bill, and after discussion by the two Chambers 
submit it to the will of the people. 

In the case of every Federal appeal to the nation, the Federal 
Government sends to each citizen a printed copy of the Bill. If 
the appeal is a cantonal (or municipal) one, then the Cantonal (or 
municipal) Government distributes the text of the Bill. In each 
case a blank ballot accompanies the Bill. At each polling place 
the voter finds ballots printed with an affirmative vote, a negative 
vote, and in blank. The affirmative and negative ballots are sup- 
plied by private individuals who are interested for or against. 

As soon as the question is up, the party leaders take sides and 
the journals study the question, but very often, as M. Philip Janin, 
of Geneva, informs us, the party chiefs are not followed by the 
rank and file ; there are many defections. Many party members 
vote as they see fit — that is, contrary to orders. They consider the 
measure which is submitted to them for themselves, and bolt the 
orders of party leaders whom they would follow blindly in the 
electing of persons. 

In the case of the cantonal or municipal Referendum and 
Initiative in the canton of Zurich, the voters vote on the questions 
brought forward, and elect the councillors at the same time ; and 
this is the plan which I suggest for experimental adoption in Great 
Britain. The electors at a general election would have two papers 
to fill up instead of one. The first would be the usual offer of Jones 
or Smith as Member of Parliament, the second would take some- 
thing like this shape : — 



Are you in favour of legislation to secure : — 

Vote Yes or No. 



Old-age Pensions 

Provision of Work for Unemployed.. 

Eight-hours Day 

Taxation of Ground Values 



And local questions could be voted on in this way every year 
at the municipal elections. 




326 




According to the " Eef erendum Tafels," the results from the 
institution of the Referendum and Initiative in Switzerland to 
February, 1898, show that whilst 208 laws have been submitted to 
the Legislature, the Referendum was demanded only on 26, of 
which 17 were rejected and nine accepted. There have been 13 
compulsory votings, by which five laws were rejected and eight 
accepted. There have been, moreover, three compulsory votings 
on Initiative demands, with the result that one proposal was 
accepted and two rejected." 

But to show how wide is the range of problems submitted to 
the popular decision, I append a list of the referendary votings 
between 1874 and 1895. The results are arranged chronologically, 
and "a" means an affirmative majority, and "n" a negative: — 



1874 . . . Federal Constitution 

1875... Civil State 

1875... Right to Vote 

1876... Bank Notes 

1876... Military Tax 

1877... Work in Factories 

1877... Military Tax 

1877... Political Rights 

1879... Subsidy for St. Gothard Tunnel 

1879... Death Penalty 

1880... Bank-note Monopoly 

1882... Patents 

1882... Epidemic 

1882... Secretary of Education 

1884... Secretary of the Department of Justice 

1884... Stabio Article 

1884... Secretary of Legation at Washington 

1884... Passports to Commercial Travellers 

1885... Alcohol Question 

1887 . . . Alcohol Monopoly 

1887... Patents 

1889... Prosecution for Debt 



al42,186 

a8,130 

n4,680 

n73,185 

n28,737 

a5,347 

nil, 180 

n81,674 

al63,160 
al8,897 

nl39,127 
nl3,072 

nl86,313 

nl46,129 
n65,187 
n33,705 
n81,904 
nl5,395 
a72,797 

al28,626 

nl45,644 
a26,396 



* Students of the subject who may desire fuller information as to the 
questions voted upon will find particulars in my penny pamphlet, " The 
Referendum and Initiative in Practice" (Clarion, 72, Fleet Street, London, 
E.C.). Students who may seek still fuller knowledge should consult the 
" Politisches Jahrbuch der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft," by Prof. Hiltz, 
of Berne; "Chroniques Politiques Suisses de la Bibliotheque Universelle" 
(Lausanne); " Statistisches Jahrbuch der Schweiz" (Berne). Let the student 
particularly beware of English works written by prejudiced anti-democrats who 
ignorantly distort the meaning of the Swiss people's decisions on complicated 
issues. 



327 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



1890.. 
1891.. 

1891.. 
1891.. 
1891.. 
1891.. 
1893.. 
1894.. 
1891.. 
1894.. 
1895.. 
1895.. 
1895.. 



Insurance against Sickness and Accidents 

Retirement Pensions. 

Popular Initiative 

Customs Tariff ... 

Bank-note Monopoly. 

Purchase of the Central (Railroa 



Regulating Slaughter-houses 
Arts and Trades . . 
Right to Work . . , 
Spoils System (?) 
Diplomatic Law .. 
Match Monopoly 
Military Articles.. 



d) 



al91,028 

n262,126 

a62,430 

a61,070 

a72,693 

nl58,677 

a64,420 

n22,786 

n232,409 

n205.177 

n53,472 

n43.935 

n65,000 



It may throw further light on the working of the system if I 
adduce a somewhat striking example of its use — I refer to the 
legislative project submitted to the popular vote on the 3rd of June, 
1894, through the initiative of 52,000 citizens : — 

The right to adequately remunerated work is admitted for every 
Swiss citizen. Federal and cantonal legislation should make 
this right effective by every possible way. 

The following measures are particularly needful : — 

■(a) Reduction of working hours in the greatest possible 
number of industries, in order to make work more 
plentiful. 

(b) Organisation of institutions such as Labour Exchanges 

to gratuitously provide work to all who may need it. 

(c) Protection of workers against unjustifiable dismissal. 

(d) Public or private insurance of the workers at the public 

cost against the consequences of want of work. 

(e) Effective protection for trade unions. 

(/) Official jurisdiction of the workers in respect to their 
employers, and democratic organisation of work in 
workshops and factories, especially in those of the 
State and Corporations. 

This crude but interesting proposal obtained 75,880 votes, as 
against 308,289 recorded against it. Evidently; then, direct legisla- 
tion shows no sign of producing half-baked social revolutions 
" while you wait." 

The Hon. G. H. Reid, Premier of New South Wales, says 
that : — 

Both in Switzerland and the United States, very eminent authorities point 
out that the effect of the Referendum, instead of throwing the destinies of 



328 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



the country into the hands of a mob, has been to show that the people are 
infinitely more accomplished and more able and more sensible, more generous 
and more just, than those who affect to decry them. 

The Hon. Numa Droz, ex-President of the Swiss Kepublic, 
says :— 

The net result has been a great tranquillising of public life. When the 
ballot has pronounced, everybody accepts the result. Those who make the most 
noise cannot impose on the people as they do in other countries ; they are taken 
for what they are really worth. Adapted to a people fundamentally democratic 
like the Swiss, the Referendum is unquestionably one of the best forms of govern- 
ment ever attempted. It may be thought good to modify it in accordance with 
the suggestions of experience, but there can never again be any question of doing 
away with it. 

Mr. J. W. Sullivan, an American author, who has made a special 
study of the Eeferendum and Initiative in Switzerland, writes : — 

Has the trend of Switzerland under direct legislation been toward Socialism ? 
The reply, it seems to me, depends on the meaning one attaches to the word 
" Socialism." If by Socialism is meant State regulation for the purpose of 
establishing equality in the opportunities afforded by the land, the reply must 
be yes. If by Socialism is meant extension of State interference in what are 
commonly regarded as personal rights, together with State-directed compulsory 
co-operative working of nationalised land and State-directed compulsory co- 
operation of industries, the reply, in my judgment — which is, of course, subject 
to error — is no. 

Hans Dietler, in " The Annals of the American Academy of 
Political and Social Science" (Philadelphia, May, 1899), says:— 

The adoption of the law concerning railway repurchase is a triumph of the 
idea of centralisation, a triumph of the idea of State Socialism, and is an 
expression of the self-conscious, future-enjoying, and optimistic frame of mind 
of the Swiss people. 

It would be easy to fill a volume with similar testimonies, but 
I fear that I trespass already beyond my allotted space. After all, 
"the proof of the pudding is in the eating," and the proof of the 
Eeferendum and Initiative is its growth and expansion. Sir Francis 
Adams, who was British Minister at Berne, in Switzerland, says : — 

The Referendum has struck root and expanded wherever it has been intro- 
duced, and no serious politician of any party would now think of attempting 
its abolition. 

Despite the inevitable manifestations of the democracy's natural 
shortcomings, the Socialists of Switzerland enthusiastically stand 
by the Eeferendum and Initiative. 

It was included in the Socialist programme drawn up by the 
Congress of Gotha in 1895, and that of Erfurt in 1898. 

The Belgian Socialists, in the political programme set forth by 
Destree and Vandervelde, "demand the right of Initiative and 
the popular Eeferendum in legislative, provincial, and communal 



affairs. 



329 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



A number of French Socialist Deputies have issued a manifesto 
and drafted a resolution in favour of the Eeferendum and direct 
legislation by the people. These Deputies are Edouard Yaillant, 
Baudin, Chauviere, Walter, Bonard, Jaures, Millerand, Gerault- 
Eichard, Sembat, Eouanet, Coutant, Paschal, Grousset, Clovis 
Hugues, Calvinhac, Groussier, Avez, Dejeante, Faberot, Toussaint, 
Prudent-Dervillers, Turigny, Couturier, Michelin, Paulin Mery, 
Goussot, Pierre Eichard, and Argelies. 

In America the Eeferendum and Initiative have been eagerly 
acclaimed. Charlotte Perkins Stetson, Frances Willard, Hy. D. 
Lloyd, the Eev. Lyman Abbott, Bolton Hall, J. W. Sullivan, and 
Eltweed Pomeroy are amongst a few of the advanced thinkers who 
have most strenuously worked for it in the States. In South 
Dakota a constitutional amendment was adopted by the Legislature 
(November 8, 1898) providing that when a particular piece of legis- 
lation is demanded by 5 per cent of the qualified voters of the State, 
that proposition must be submitted by the Legislature to the people 
at the next ensuing general election. If approved by the people it 
becomes a law. If the Legislature passes an Act to which there is 
popular objection, that Act must be submitted to the people at the 
next regular election if petitioned for by 5 per cent of the qualified 
voters. If approved by popular vote, it stands; if not, it fails to 
become a law. 

Oregon has followed suit, and also San Francisco. A friend in 
the latter city writes me : — 

In one respect the San Francisco Initiative is even more democratic than 
Dakota, for it allows the petitioners actually to frame the words of the proposed 
ordinance, and have it submitted straight to the people without alteration. San 
Francisco, however, requires a 15 per cent petition. 

My suggestion that a Eeferendum as to definite political issues 
might readily be joined to a general election of members is being 
adopted in Canada. At the next elections for the Dominion Par- 
liament electors will not only be asked to elect candidates, but also 
to vote "Yes" or "No" on the question, "Are you in favour of 
reforming the Senate ?" The Government will thus obtain a direct 
and definite mandate from the people. A correspondent in Toronto 
writes me further : — 

No reform has as many followers in Canada as has Direct Legislation. 
With remarkably few exceptions all Socialists, Single Taxers, and other advanced 
thinkers recognise its necessity as the first step and as the means whereby other 
reforms may be secured. 

The principle of the Initiative is already embodied in some of our provincial 
legislation, as will be seen by a perusal of the pamphlets on proportional repre- 
sentation that I am sending you. The Referendum is also recognised and in 
operation in various forms — municipally, provincially, and nationally. 



330 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



Money bye-laws for public works, &c., are referred to tbe ratepayers (property 
owners) for ratification or rejection, and the principle has also extended to moral 
questions. In 1891 and in 1894 the question of allowing street cars to run on 
Sunday was referred to the electors and was defeated ; but in 1897 it was again 
referred to the people and carried by a small majority. 

Most of the provinces have referred the question of prohibition of the liquor 
traffic to the electors, and a national plebiscite was also taken on this question 
last September. Although a majority was secured, the Government will 
not accept it as a command, but regard it merely as an expression of opinion. 
They refused to submit a Bill to the people, but merely asked, "Are you in 
favour of prohibiting the liquor traffic?" 

The question of Senate abolition has been agitated for years by strong 
organisations, and social reformers have proposed "Direct Legislation" as a 
substitute. Ontario's single-chambered Legislature has proved to be as harmful 
to the interests of the people as the double-chambered system, for the party 
system here allows Corporations to have Bills rushed through in the closing 
days or hours of the session by securing the Government's co-operation. The 
Federal Government now propose to "reform" the Senate by having a joint 
ballot of the two Houses on matters of conflict, and also propose to have a 
plebiscite on "Are you in favour of reforming the Senate?" at the next general 
election. 

The inefficiency of the plebiscite will be readily seen. 

Direct Legislation is well understood by large numbers in all classes in 
Canada, as the principle is in operation in most of the trade unions, and was 
also used in referring questions to the membership of the Patrons of Industry, 
an organisation of farmers for political purposes which some years ago had 
nearly 100,000 members, but which is now nearly extinct owing to mis- 
management. 

The "Independent Association," a large political organisation of farmers 
and working men in Manitoba and the North- West Territories, advocates direct 
legislation as one of its leading planks. 

The Canadian Direct Legislation League was formed in Toronto last 
November at a convention of delegates from various parts of the province. 
Geo. Wrigley, editor of Citizen and Country (Toronto, Ont.), is the secretary. 
Active propaganda work will be done this fall, and the prospects for organisa- 
tion and progress are excellent. The probability is that a strong political 
party will be in the field in Ontario in the near future with Direct Legislation 
as its first demand. 

Turning to Australia, we find that the Labour party in New 
South Wales have not only adopted the Eeferendum and Initiative 
themselves, but have definitely forced it upon the Government. 
Mr. Eeid, the Premier, was tremendously cheered in Sydney 
when, at the opening of the campaign, he declared that " the 
Government propose that if a Bill has been sent up to the Legis- 
lative Council twice in two consecutive sessions, and there is no 
agreement between the two Houses of Parliament, it shall be 
referred to the electors of the country." 

This is not quite the same thing that has made Switzerland 
"the purest and most progressive democracy on earth; " but it is 
a step in that direction. 



331 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



A South Australian paper says : — 

The Referendum idea appears to grow. Australia's one experience — that 
in connection with the Commonwealth Bill — was quite as satisfactory as 
anybody could desire. It stands as a negative to the idea that the intelligence of 
the majority of the people is not as sound as that of the majority of Parliament — 
a body which can only at best represent the average intelligence of those who 
create it. All will observe then with interest that a proposed constitutional 
change in South Australia is to be voted upon by the people. A measure before 
Parliament provides that every householder and. his wife shall have a vote for 
the Legislative Council, increasing the number of voters from 45,000 to 100,000. 
The operation of this measure is made subject to the affirmative of the people 
at a Referendum vote to be taken at the general elections next year. 

In New Zealand and Queensland also the principle of Direct 
Legislation is enforcing general acceptance, and its operation in 
a limited sense is even now settling the vexed question of Federation 
between the Australian Colonies. 

In Great Britain, the Independent Labour Party and the Social 
Democratic Federation have both adopted the Eeferendum and the 
Initiative on their programme, and a few members of the English 
Fabian Society stand almost alone amongst the world's Socialists 
in opposition to the principle. It is making steady headway 
amongst the trade unions, and has been championed with great 
ability by Morrison Davidson in the Weekly Times and Echo, by 
Professor Dicey in the Spectator, by several writers in the Daily 
Chronicle, and most persistently, perhaps, by the -Clarion. 

My contentions in favour of the Referendum and Initiative — set 
forth at greater length in two pamphlets obtainable from the Clarion 
office — may be briefly summarised as follows : — 

(1) The Referendum and Initiative will remove corruption, 
because the legislator cannot be sure of delivering the goods. 

(2) The Referendum and Initiative will divert the political 
discussion from parties and men to principles and measures, and 
thereby substitute thinking for mud-slinging. Very little is heard 
of party strife and conflict in Switzerland, and men are not con- 
sidered when great reforms are to the fore. 

(3) The Referendum and Initiative, alone amongst constitutional 
expedients, makes the ballot truly express the will of the people. 
As Professor Charles Borgeaud says: — "People in Switzerland 
have long since ceased to maintain that the opinion of an elected 
assembly is identical with that of the country in whose name it 
legislates." 

(4) The Referendum and Initiative, alone amongst constitutional 
expedients, ensure perfect proportional representation. The fact 
that the Swiss electorate frequently disavow the legislative action 
of their newly-elected representatives is largely due to the fact that 



332 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



the direct popular vote represents a majority of the whole nation, 
whilst representative deputies only represent district majorities, 
which are often so unequal that a majority of members may be 
returned by a minority of votes. 

(5) The Referendum and Initiative will make it possible to 
introduce reforms just as fast as the peojrte are ready for them. To 
delay a reform for which the people are ripe is iniquitous; to 
travel far ahead of the people's understanding or desires is, as all 
history has shown, extremely dangerous, and invariably produc- 
tive of reactions which lose more than the momentary gain. 

(6) The Referendum and Initiative will educate the people in 
self-government, and ripen them for progress. None will vote 
unless interested; none can become interested without learning 
something about the measures under discussion. 

The Referendum and Initiative, as Mr. Eltweed Pomeroy has 
shown in his exhaustive review of the subject for the United States 
Senate (Document No. 340), "Does not mean more laws, but fewer, 
shorter, simpler, and more understandable ones." When the laws 
are made by people who want to understand them, and not by 
lawyers who want to get paid for muddling them, plain, practical 
clearness as to every issue is sought and found. 

(8) The Referendum and Initiative, even without being invoked, 
hinder the introduction of corrupt legislation. Dole Bills for 
squires and parsons would not be introduced if the professional 
legislators knew that they would be compelled to run the gauntlet 
of a popular vote. 

(9) The Referendum and Initiative will change public rulers 
into public servants. The foremost of Swiss statesmen, Numa Droz, 
has written in the Contemjwrary B.evieio : — 

Under the influence of the Referendum, optional or compulsory, a profound 
change has come over the spirit both of Parliament and the people. The idea 
of employer and employed, of the sender and the sent, which lies at the root of 
the representative system, becomes an absolute reality. The people still choose 
their representatives to make the laws, but they reserve the right of sanction. 
When they reject a law, in virtue of this sovereign right, there is no entering 
on a state of conflict, for a conflict can only take place where the exercise of a 
right is met by a competing claim ; and there is here no claim to compete. 

The craftsman carries out the work to his own satisfaction ; the employer 
who gave the order is of a different opinion, and sends it back to be altered. It 
is perfectly simple. Each has done his duty within the limits assigned him. 
There is no ground of quarrel. The legislator is not discredited ; he is only in 
the position of a deputy whose Bill is not passed. There is no question of 
resigning. If here and there a measure is rejected other measures are passed. 
There is clearly no want of confidence. Moreover, after rejecting a law it is quite 
common to re-elect the same representative. Thus, the new regime leaves no 
room for either Ministerial or Parliamentary crisis. The representatives of the 



333 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



people are elected for a comparatively short term, generally three years. 
During this time — thanks to the restraining Referendum — they can do nothing 
really contrary to the public will, at least in any public matter. If they prove 
incapable, or if their action gives cause of complaint, they are replaced at the 
next election, and there is an end to it. But honest and capable servants are 
retained even though the people may have seen fit to dissent from some of 
their judgments. 

(10) The Eeferendum and Initiative encourage and strengthen 
a feeling of patriotic responsibility in the electors by constantly 
impressing them with the fact that upon their knowledge and 
wisdom depends their country's fate. 

As for the objections to the Eeferendum and Initiative, the 
chief of them is that the people — not the man who makes the 
objection, but the other people — have not enough sense or under- 
standing to vote on the laws. But, surely, there are no stronger 
reasons for trusting the people to vote upon men than upon 
measures. A voter can scarcely be so ignorant of the good and 
bad features of a proposed law which is to affect his daily life as 
he must necessarily be of the good and bad parts of a man he has 
never seen nor heard of until the nominations were made. 

Professor Borgeaud, of the University of Geneva, whom I 
consulted as to the Swiss people's understanding of the laws sub- 
mitted to them, wrote me under date of May 10th, 1899 : — 

As to the questions which you formulate on the educational value of the 
Referendum and on the practical differences that may arise from the direct 
consultation of the electors, the experience of Switzerland certainly furnishes 
the most favourable replies. As to the former, public opinion is evidently based 
on a quite moral and personal appreciation. . . . The difficulties encountered 
in a country of languages, religions, habits, and Legislatures so multiple as ours 
have nowise hindered the experience. 

But the opponents of the Eeferendum tell us further that the 
people are too apathetic in their own concerns to take the trouble 
to vote. "The difficulty in England." they say, "is not to secure 
more political power for the people, but to persuade them to make 
any sensible use of the power they already have." 

My answer is that " the most powerful and perhaps the only 
means of interesting men in the welfare of their country is to make 
them partakers in the government." It is precisely because the 
British people have learned to realise the utter uselessness of voting 
either for Aristides Eigmarole, Esq., or for the Hon. Alcides 
Dolittle that their political interest is so terribly atrophied. 

"What does it matter?" answers the free and independent 
elector when urged to vote for Liberal or Tory; "they're all alike 
when they get in." 

It is the same in France. Mr. Bodley's account of the French 
people is that they take no interest in public affairs, and that they 



334 



FOE, DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



will reply " Je ne moccupe pas cle la politique" when plied with 
questions that concern the State. Elections see them languid. 
Voting bores them. Their deputy is sans doute une canaille comme 
les autres. 

It is the same in America. The public sentiment respecting 
Congress is significantly illustrated in the well-known lines : — 

He writes from out in Denver, an' the story's mighty short ; 
I just can't tell his mother, it'll crush her poor old heart ! 
And so I reckon, parson, you might break the news to her — 
Bill's in the Legislatur', but he doesn't say what fur. 

It is the deadly atrophy of the people in regard to their own 
concerns which makes me so earnest in the advocacy of the 
Beferendum and Initiative. The people of the great democratic 
countries are sick of Panamists, Boodlers, Liberators, New Zealand 
and Niger and Chartered Company Directors, and murderous 
Standard Oil Kings. The only cure is to make them feel that the 
power has been wrested from these brigands and vested at last in 
their own hands. 

The experience of Switzerland confirms this view. Mr. J. W. 

Sullivan says : — 

There are in Switzerland more citizens who intimately know their political 
rights, and who thoroughly debate Government methods and other current 
public issues, than in any other Republic. This is unquestionably so, with the 
newspapers busy discussing measures rather than candidates, with every issue 
made through the voting distinct from all other issues, and with every man a 
legislator. 

And Professor Wuarin, of the Geneva University, writing to me 
in answer to a query as to Switzerland's experience, says : — 

Whenever a question really agitates the country the ballot is very largely 
utilised. When the question has only a secondary importance, or when it 
possesses a special character which prevents public interest, it is another story. 
The counting of the votes in the case of Initiative or Referendum is a business 
of a few hours ; the telegraph collects the results for the whole of Switzerland 
on the evening of the election. In short, Direct Democracy has fulfilled all 
its promise. 

In Zurich during a period of fifteen years, surveyed in a careful 
pamphlet by Herr Stiissi, no less than 74 per cent of the electors 
on an average filled up their Eeferendum papers. In Geneva, out 
of a total of 13,090 possible votes on the State Bank Bill in 1897, 
12,877 voted, or over 98 per cent of the electors, showing that a 
measure really interesting to the people will bring them out to 
vote. 

But it is objected that, even if the people understood the 
general principle of a law, they would not understand the details, 
and "that corrupt legislation could so word Bills as to appear to 
serve the public weal though really serving some private interest." 



335 



FOR DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



This, however, is not an objection against the Referendum ; it is an 
argument against representative legislators. It exposes a fraud 
which may be, and continually is, done now, and which might still 
be attempted, though with much less chance of success, under the 
wide scrutiny of a general Referendum. 

Finally, it is claimed by certain curious-minded alleged 
democrats that the democracy is itself retrogressive, and that it 
would, therefore, be unkind to let the democracy rule. "The people 
are where they are," said a democrat of this type to me, "because 
they are what they are." 

To which I answered : " Yes, and they are what they are because 
they are where they are. They are what they are because they 
don't know where they are." 

I have observed that if I send my little daughter through a 
labyrinthic London quarter in an omnibus she will be as ignorant 
of the way when next she wants to go as she was at the first. But 
if I turn her adrift, and tell her to find the way herself, she may 
make a mistake or two, and walk a little further than she need have 
done, but she finds the way, and afterwards she knows it. 

Even so must it be with the democracy. Continue to carry 
them along in the lumbering, clumsy old Parliamentary omnibus, 
and they will continue to sleep through the journey, and never 
know the way. But set them to seek it, and before long they 
shall find it. 

Better that they should bungle into devious by-paths and be 
compelled to discover the way out, than they should be blind- 
folded and led by the nose through the unproductive bogs and 
morasses of privilege-protecting party politics. Of course, they 
will make mistakes. But when the responsibility of these mistakes 
becomes all their own they may begin to profit by them. 

As John Ruskin says — 

Above all, in our dealings with the souls of other men, we are to take care 
how we check, by severe requirement or narrow caution, efforts which might 
otherwise lead to a noble issue ; and, still more, how we withhold our admiration 
from great excellences because they are mingled with rough faults. Now, in 
the make and nature of every man, however rude or simple, whom we employ 
in manual labour, there are some forms for better things : some tardy imagina- 
tion, torpid capacity of emotion, tottering steps of thought there are, even at 
the worst ; and in most cases it is all our own fault that they are tardy or 
torpid. But they cannot be strengthened unless we are content to take them 
in their feebleness, and unless we prize and honour them in their imperfection. 
. . . . And this is what we have to do with our labourers ; to look for the 
thoughtful part and get that out of them, whatever we lose for it, whatever 
faults and errors we are obliged to take with it. For the best that is in them 
cannot manifest itself but in company with much error. Understand this 
clearly : you can teach a man to draw a straight line, and to cut one ; to strike 



336 



FOB DIRECT LEGISLATION. 



a straight or curved line, and to carve it ; and to copy and carve any number of 
given lines or forms with admirable speed and perfect precision, and you find 
his work perfect of its kind ; but if you ask him to think about any of these 
forms, to consider if he cannot find any better in his own head, he stops ; his 
execution becomes hesitating ; he thinks, and ten to one he thinks wrong ; ten 
to one he makes a mistake in the first touch he gives to his work as a thinking 
being. But you have made a man of him for all that. He was only a machine 
before, an animated tool. And observe, you are put to stern choice in this 
matter. You must either make a tool of the creature or a man of him. You 
cannot make both. 

What I propose is to make men of Great Britain's " free and 
independent" electors. That is why I ask for the formation of a 
Eeferendum League that shall strive and agitate to rescue the 
masses from their present position as the helpless "tools" of their 
political leaders. 




337 



Che Case Against the Referendum, 

With Special Reference to the United Kingdom. 



BY LILIAN TOMN. 




jJwJHE Keferendum is a popular vote on laws or legislative 
Hp questions which have been first discussed by the 
representative body. It is closely connected with 
another institution, the Popular Initiative, by which 
sections of the community are enabled to propose a 
law to the people themselves on any subject they 
may choose, or can insist that the Legislature shall do so. The 
idea of popular votings on laws is quite distinct from the election 
of legislators. At an election the citizens choose their repre- 
sentatives; at a Keferendum the voters accept or reject the 
measures passed or discussed by those representatives."' 

It is the Keferendum rather than the Popular Initiative which 
has attracted the attention of jurists and writers of every 
nationality, and the expediency of introducing polls on laws is a 
much-debated question not only in the United Kingdom but in the 
Australasian colonies, France, Italy, and Belgium. The Kefer- 
endum has become, in fact, a question of practical politics all the 
civilised world over. Under such circumstances we naturally turn 
to the two countries that have made a trial of the system in order 
that we may judge the results of their experience. The Keferendum 
exists in all except one of the State Governments of the United 
States,! an <l m the Federal Republic of Switzerland. It has also 

* The term Referendum is sometimes loosely used in England to denote any 
kind of popular voting which is not an election. Hence the vote on the 
erection of a Free Library has been quoted as an instance of the Referendum in 
this country. The distinction between local mass votings on local questions 
and national votings on laws is a radical one. In a local voting the citizens are 
only asked to decide whether an Act already passed by the Legislature shall be 
put into operation in their district. This is a very different thing from an 
appeal by the representatives of the nation to the whole body of electors as to 
whether a certain measure shall become law or not. Local popular voting is in 
reality only a method of local self-government ; the Referendum is a method of 
legislation. 

t Except in Delaware. 



23 



338 



THE CASE AGAINST THE REFERENDUM, 



been extensively tried in the trade union world. In the United 
States all changes in the written constitution of each State have to 
be submitted to a vote of the people of that State before they can 
become law. Nor is the voting on a constitutional amendment 
the only form of Referendum. In some of the State constitutions 
a number of questions are specified on which a popular vote must 
always be taken by the Legislature. They are chief!}' questions 
connected with an increase of expenditure or such thorny questions 
as liquor prohibition and woman's suffrage. 

Changes in the State constitutions are not, however, of frequent 
occurrence, and a popular vote on a legislative question is more or 
less exceptional. The Popular Initiative does not exist in any of 
the American States. Hence it is in Switzerland that we can best 
estimate the value of the Referendum, for there the Referendum 
has been in active operation in almost every branch of government 
for the last twenty-three years. In the Swiss Republic the 
Referendum is national, and not merely confined to the component 
States, as in the New World. The people are not merely called 
upon to give a solemn ratification to a constitutional reform ; their 
consent is an indispensable factor of the ordinary machinery of 
legislation. The Central Government has only power to legislate 
on a limited number of subjects, all other questions being dealt 
with in the twenty-five Legislatures of the twenty-five cantons at 
their discretion. But in the spheres of both Federal and Cantonal 
Governments the Referendum and the Popular Initiative are recog- 
nised in some form. In the Federal Government all laws which 
in any way affect or amend the constitution are sent at once to 
the people, and without the popular ratification no constitutional 
change can be brought about. In the case of ordinary laws, any 
30,000 registered voters can bring about a poll on any law passed 
by the Federal Legislature which is not urgent, provided the 
demand be made within ninety days after the law is published in 
the official gazette. If no demand is received the silence of the 
electorate is considered to be tantamount to assent on their part, 
and the law comes into force on the ninety- second day. The 
general result is that all Federal laws either go to the people 
automatically or can go if a fraction of the citizens desire it. Nine 
of the twenty-five cantons which make up the Swiss Republic 
have organised the Referendum as it exists in the Central 
Government, i.e., it is compulsory in the case of constitutional 
amendments, optional in the case of ordinary laws; six of the 
remaining sixteen legislate by means of a mass meeting held once 
a year; and nine others have made the Referendum compulsory in 
the case of every law, the voting taking place automatically twice 
a year. Only in one canton is the Referendum limited to changes 



339 



WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE UNITED KINGDOM. 

in the constitution. Switzerland is, therefore, the country of the 
Referendum par excellence, and in discussing the desirability of 
introducing some such form of popular voting into our own country 
it will be necessary to refer from time to time to the working of the 
Referendum in the Swiss Republic. In the following pages we 
shall examine, first of all, some of the arguments usually brought 
forward in favour of the Referendum; then we shall try and 
estimate some of the dangers that are or probably would be 
connected with the direct intervention of the people in legisla- 
tion ; and finally we shall consider certain practical difficulties 
which stand in the way of the incorporation of the Referendum 
into our own constitution. 

Those who advocate popular votings on laws for this country 
in addition to and distinct from the election of legislators maintain 
that it would be possible by this means to divorce legislation from 
party politics. They suggest that at a Referendum a definite issue 
would be placed before the electors unhampered by party con- 
siderations or by the personal predilections which influence men 
in choosing their representative. In other words, the law would 
not be obscured either by the party or the candidate, but would 
be judged wholly on its own merits. Moreover, by voting 
separately on the measures of a party, it would no longer be 
necessary to subscribe to the whole party programme, taking the 
bitter with the sweet. 

The partisans of the Referendum seem to me to be too hopeful. 
They expect that a man who has belonged to a party all his life, 
who has attended party meetings, is a member of a party club, and 
takes in a party newspaper, will suddenly vote on a law with a 
mind as unbiassed as that of a stranger who has only arrived in 
the country the evening before. It is demanding too much to 
suppose that an Englishman would vote on a measure wholly on its 
merits, and forget that it came from his enemies the Liberals and 
was supported by his friends the Conservatives, or vice versa. 
Moreover, matters would be complicated by the fact that the fate of 
the Ministry would probably depend on the fate of the Bill. 
According to our present constitutional conventions the Ministers 
must retire before a hostile vote of the Low^er House on a Cabinet 
measure. Still more, then, would they feel impelled to retire 
before a hostile vote of the whole electorate. It is not probable, 
with the existence of the Government hanging in the balance, that 
a man would vote on his own independent judgment, and a 
Referendum would eventually be run on party lines like any 
election. It is quite possible to argue that the Ministry need not 
resign — that a defeat on this particular measure would not mean 
that the country disapproved of their general policy. It seems, 



340 



THE CASE AGAINST THE REFERENDUM, 



however, impossible that a Ministry could stay in power which had 
appealed to the country as a final tribunal and had then received a 
rebuff. The fact would remain that the electors who supported the 
majority at a general election had now ranged themselves against 
the law passed by the same majority, and if the Ministers con- 
sidered that this fact did not constitute a loss of confidence and 
decided not to resign in consequence their position would not be a 
happy one. The party out of power would be always taunting the 
party in power with having misinterpreted the feelings of the 
country on every question as it arose, and would keep on demand- 
ing fresh Eeferendums until that party had resigned. Having once 
resigned, you get the further anomaly of a new Ministry in power 
representing the minority of the House of Commons, when legisla- 
tion at once becomes impossible and a dissolution inevitable. 

The Referendum, in my opinion, would only tend to multiply 
general elections, and would prove a glorious weapon for 
opposition and obstruction of all kinds. 

The position of the individual member of Parliament would also 
be a difficult one. Suppose he voted for or against a Bill, and the 
vote in the constituency that he represented were antagonistic to 
the vote he had given. Is he to resign his seat, or can he continue 
in Parliament to be reproached with representing a minority? If, 
in such a case, a large number of members felt that they ought to 
stand for re-election we should have a modified form of general 
election whatever the action of the Ministers. 

In Switzerland party government and party organisation, as we 
understand them, are almost unknown. The members of our 
British Cabinet are all appointed by the Queen from that party 
having a majority in the House of Commons. They all hold the 
same opinions, and they fall or stand together. When their 
measures receive an adverse vote in the House of Commons they 
all resign and give place to the members of the opposite party or 
appeal to the country. 

The Swiss have not got two great closely-organised parties. 
There are several parties which change and vary in their relations 
to each other. The Central Executive, or Cabinet, is purposely 
composed of members chosen from the different parties. It does 
not resign when outvoted by the Parliament; it is practically 
permanent, although nominally elected every three years.'" The 

* Only two members of the Swiss Executive have resigned on political 
grounds since 1848, one on account of a disagreement with the Legislature and 
one because his law was rejected at a Referendum. The Ministry as a body has 
never resigned. The Executive is so permanent that the average term of 
service is ten years ; four members have, however, served twenty years, and one 
member who died in 1895 in office served thirty-three years and was six times 
President. 



341 



WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE UNITED KINGDOM. 

Swiss Parliament is also chosen for three years, and meets twice a 
year for four or five weeks. It does not dissolve when its measures 
are negatived by the people, and the Swiss electorate, while con- 
stantly rejecting the laws made by their representatives, neverthe- 
less usually send back those representatives to serve for the same 
term of years. * Indeed, a large proportion of the elections are 
unopposed. When we in England should change our Ministry the 
Swiss vote down the laws prepared by their Ministry, but keep 
the same men in power. There are, therefore, no political upsets 
in Switzerland in consequence of the Eeferendum, because party 
government is practically non-existent. The Eeferendum is worked 
in Switzerland amid surroundings that are without parallel in any 
other country. Were it introduced into a State where party 
organisation was close and party feelings keen it would tend, in 
all probability, to follow party lines. 

It is said that at the present time in England the gravest laws 
can be passed by a majority not larger than that required for 
passing an Act dealing with sea birds' eggs, and that any chance 
combination of members might bring about the most terrible 
constitutional results. At present once a member of Parliament is 
elected there is no sort of check on him ; he can sanction the most 
unwarranted innovations, and although he may pledge himself to 
one course of policy his constituents have no power to stop him if 
he does something quite different. This danger, though existing in 
theory, is not found by experience to be very serious. Members of 
Parliament often wish to be re-elected, and are as a rule most 
anxious to consult the wishes of their constituents. The fear of 
non-re-election is in itself a most potent check. The House of 
Lords is so constituted, moreover, that no very important constitu- 
tional change could be carried through suddenly without a 
dissolution, when the opinion of the country would make itself felt 
as effectively as if the Eeferendum were adopted. 

It is quite true to say that the Eeferendum would be a check. 
The question is whether it would not be too great a check. The 
Eeferendum never constructs; it either sanctions work already 
passed by Parliament which would become law in any case, or it 
prevents construction. The Eeferendum has been called "The 
People's Veto," and the name speaks for itself. In practice it has 
always proved itself to be of a most conservative character. In the 
Swiss Federal Government between 1874, when the Eeferendum 
was introduced, and February, 1898, there have been forty-two 

* Between 1888 and 1896 the Lower House (National Council) only lost 
twenty of its members by non-re-election, while sixty-two retired voluntarily. 
There are no party organisations for the election of candidates, each man being 
chosen in his own canton, where he is perfectly well known. 



342 



THE CASE AGAINST THE REFERENDUM, 



votings in all out of a possible 211, and twenty-four laws were 
rejected. In three cantons — Zurich, Berne, and Solothurn — where 
the people vote on every law, we find that they have vetoed about 
a quarter of the laws passed by the Legislature. In Aargau 
between 1870 and 1889 twenty out of fifty-six, or nearly one-half, 
of the laws were defeated at the polls. In St. Gall, where the 
Referendum takes place only at the option of the people, sixteen 
laws out of a possible 142 have been voted on between 1861 and 
1894, and only two out of the sixteen have been accepted. In 
Zurich, which is an industrial canton, a Factory Act fixing a twelve- 
hours day and protecting women and children was thrown out in 
1870. In 1877 they voted heavily in this canton against a Federal 
factory law on the same subject. In 1881 they voted down another 
law providing for the compulsory insurance of workmen against 
sickness, and making the employers liable for injuries caused to their 
employes by accident. The people of Zurich have also repeatedly 
rejected measures for raising the age at which children should be 
kept at school. An American writer has said that this result does 
not mean that the people are certain to reject laws intended for the 
benefit of the working classes, but that it proves that they are less 
ready to sanction measures of this character than the Legislature is 
to pass them." In the Federal Government the people have assented 
to the State monopoly of the sale of alcohol, but have refused a 
proposed monopoly of matches designed to protect the workers 
against necrosis. A law to invest the Central Government with 
power to extend the Factory Act to small workshops has also been 
rejected at the Referendum. A law to give pensions to public 
officials was refused by the second largest majority ever known in 
Switzerland, and it was also one of the occasions on which the 
greatest number of electors went to the poll. A Bill to give the 
Legation at Washington an extra £400 a year and a Bill to increase 
the number of Consuls abroad were also promptly rejected on the 
ground of the expense involved. 

In 1881 the voters decided by means of a Referendum against 
giving the Central Government the monopoly of issuing bank 
notes. Ten years later they changed their minds and voted in 
favour of the bank note scheme. In February, 1897, they refused 
the law creating the State Bank which was to issue the notes, and 
thus have made the monopoly a dead letter for the present. The 
history of Swiss legislation seems to prove that the Referendum is 
quite as likely to kill good measures as bad, and that it is a very 
real and effective check on legislation.! It has been pointed out 

* See Lowell, "Governments and Parties in Continental Europe," Vol.11., 
p. 266, &c, for a discussion of this subject. 

+ Deploige, " The Referendum in Switzerland," pp. 214 — 249. 



343 



WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE UNITED KINGDOM. 

that the Swiss people object to laws which cover a great deal of 
ground, which are complicated, and which try to effect too much 
at once." M. Droz, who was a member of the Swiss Cabinet 
(Federal Council) for nearly twenty years, says : "I consider that 
this institution (the Referendum), which is of a frankly con- 
servative character, has done more good than harm. Although 
I am a friend of progress, I nevertheless desire that it should not 
be hasty, inconsiderate, or turbulent. The democratic machine 
has need of a counter-check; the optional Referendum is one, and 
for that reason I support it." f 

In the American States the same tendency to refuse laws is 
also noticeable. Of fifty-one constitutional amendments presented 
to the people between 1888 and 1890, twenty-five were accepted 
and twenty-six rejected.^ 

The result of polls on laws seems to bear out the dictum of Sir 
Henry Maine, who says : — 

It is possible by agitation or exhortation to produce in the mind of the 
average citizen a vague impression that he desires a particular change, but 
when the agitation has settled down on the dregs, when the excitement has 
died away, when the subject has been threshed out in all its details he is sure 
to find in it much that is likely to disturb his habits and his prejudices, and so 
in the long run votes "No" to every appeal.?; 

It is worth noticing that a legislative proposal which is refused 
by the popular vote is thrown back several years, and thus a 
necessary measure is, perhaps, unduly checked, as there is always 
a certain difficulty in again bringing up a subject which has been 
expressly vetoed at the poll. A law which is accepted by a small 
majority, moreover, seems to suffer a loss of prestige in conse- 
quence. There is also a certain difficulty in repealing or altering 
the laws that have been ratified by the people, although their 
modification may have become necessary in course of time. This 
is all the more important as the citizens have to vote on a law 
before it has come into force, before it has been interpreted by the 
courts, and before any one knows how it will work. It is im- 
possible to tamper with a popularly accepted law either to rectify 
mistakes or supply omissions without another Referendum, " hence 
blemishes are tolerated," says Mr. Bryce, writing of America, 
"which in England would be removed at the next opportunity." *~ 

The two main arguments in favour of the Referendum which 
we have examined claim that it would tend to distinguish measures 
from men, and would prove an additional check or safeguard. It 

* Lowell, " CTOvernments and Parties," Vol. II., p. 269. 
f Droz, " Etudes et Portraits Politiques," p. 467. 

J Bryce, "American Commonwealth," p. 458 (Third Edition). 
§ Popular Government. || Cf. Home Rule. 

• " American Commonwealth," pp. 463 and 464 (Third Edition). 



344 



THE CASE AGAINST THE REFERENDUM, 



is also maintained that the Eeferendum would bring out the 
great mass of the silent electors and make them realise their 
responsibility, that it would give due weight to minorities, and 
educate people generally to take an intelligent interest in legis- 
lation. The facts, however, lead us to believe that the great mass 
of the silent electors would still remain silent. In this respect 
Switzerland is very instructive, for, although the British and the 
Swiss constitutions are so totally different, human nature is still 
at bottom the same, and the behaviour of the English voter would 
probably resemble that of the Swiss and American. 

In the voting on Federal laws in Switzerland the percentage of 
those who go to the poll has fallen as low as 42 per cent of the 
registered electors. Of all the Federal laws accepted only one has 
been actually accepted by a majority of the registered electors, and 
only one of the twenty-five laws rejected has ever been rejected 
by a majority of those entitled to vote. 

In the votings in the different cantons on the laws passed by 
the State Legislatures the percentage of those who take the trouble 
to vote is even smaller. In Berne the average number of votes 
recorded at a cantonal Eeferendum is 43 per cent, but the figure 
has fallen as low as 20 per cent. We notice, however, a signi- 
ficant rise to 63 per cent at elections, and when an election and a 
Eeferendum take place on the same day the percentage of those 
voting is augmented. It would seem, therefore, that the people 
are more interested in choosing their representatives than in voting 
on laws. 

Again, in the canton of Rural Basle, the law enacted that unless 
the total number of those who voted was equal to half the electors 
the law failed, whatever the result of the Eeferendum. 

Between 1864 and 1884 forty-eight laws were accepted, twenty- 
eight rejected, and no fewer than twenty-six failed because not 
half the electors could be induced to record their vote. Certain 
cantons, realising the absurdity of the idea of direct legislation 
when the people thus declined to legislate, have tried the expedient 
of making voting compulsory. They accordingly fined those 
electors who did not put their tickets in the ballot box. The 
result in Zurich is an illustration of the old proverb that "you can 
bring a horse to water but you cannot make him drink," for from 
21 to 24 per cent of the ballot papers given in are blank. The 
people w T ill not take the trouble to fill them up, although in Zurich 
voting by proxy is allowed, and the polling always takes place on 
a Sunday. But here, again, we find that the percentage of those 
voting increases more than 10 per cent at elections. In America, 
again, some States require the assent of a majority of the qualified 
voters before a constitutional change can be brought about, and it 



345 




often happens that this majority cannot be obtained. ::: The Swiss 
are the best educated people in Europe, they are accustomed to 
voting on laws and legislative questions on every possible occasion, 
and are comparatively unaffected by party considerations in record- 
ing their vote. Yet we do not find, even under these favourable 
circumstances, that the Referendum makes the people realise their 
responsibility. In Switzerland laws seem to be rarely rejected on 
their demerits. They are often vetoed because the people do not 
approve of the policy of the Government in general, and they take 
this method of showing their displeasure instead of changing the 
party in power as we should do in England. "We thus get certain 
periods when there seems to be an epidemic of rejection, and the 
laws fail at the Referendum whether they are good, bad, or 
indifferent, the same laws being often accepted later without a 
protest. This may be ideal democracy, but it is not ideal legislation. 
M. Hilty, a Federal Councillor and one of the great authorities on 
the Referendum, says : — 

I think that of all the laws that have been rejected only one, that giving 
pensions to public officials, and the order creating a Secretary of Education, 
have been rejected owing to an actual aversion to their contents, and not to a 
mere passing dislike. 

M. Droz says that the fate of the laws depends a good deal on 
whether the crops have been good or bad. He also says I : — 

The art of the politician consists in knowing how to take advantage of cir- 
cumstances in order to create great currents of opinion, either favourable or 
unfavourable to a measure. The mass follows these currents or remains 
indifferent. 

M. Deploige tells how a Deputy in the canton of Berne made 
an examination of the reasons which led the inhabitants of that 
canton to vote heavily against a law on bankruptcy. He found 
that the majority against the law consisted of two classes of men : 
the first were the small distillers who had been obliged to shut up 
their stills on account of the Government monopoly of alcohol, the 
second were the peasants who had not yet been indemnified for 
the damage caused by the recent military manoeuvres, while the 
peasants of the neighbouring canton, Solothurn, had already 
received their compensation. Hence the Bankruptcy Law failed. 

There are, however, in Switzerland certain methods by which 
the people may be induced to accept laws. One method is to 
incorporate some popular provisions in an unpopular law, and by 
means of various concessions so unite the minorities that a law is 
eventually carried. In Berne, when the Government found it 
impossible to submit the budget to the Referendum, they had to 
get the people's consent to add it to the list of laws outside the 

* Bryce, ''American Commonwealth," p. 464. 
f "Etudes et Portraits Politicpie,*' p. 491. 



346 



THE CASE AGAINST THE REFERENDUM, 



Referendum. This was effected by suppressing a number of minor 
official posts in the same Bill, a proceeding which strongly appealed 
to the saving nature of the Swiss, and the measure was carried. 

Another method of getting a law accepted is to bring it up again 
and again until the people get weary of voting against it, and 
finally let it come into force. The Federal law on the tax imposed 
in the case of exemption from military service was passed three 
times by the Swiss Parliament before it was ratified by the people. 
Another instance is supplied by a tax law in the Grisons, which 
was accepted after it had been submitted no fewer than six times 
to the popular vote. 

There are also ways of evading the Eeferendum by declaring 
the matter "urgent" or "not of general import," and so outside 
the sphere of the Eeferendum. Several measures involving finan- 
cial outlay, which would have had no chance with the Swiss 
electors, have been withdrawn in this way, as the great mass of 
the people do not seem to be willing or far-sighted enough to 
sanction expenditure for the benefit of future generations. 

Thus the sovereign will of the people seems still to be largely at 
the mercy of its representatives, even when the Eeferendum is so 
thoroughly established as it is in Switzerland. The experience of 
that country proves that the people are not anxious to vote, and 
that they go to the poll from very mixed motives, the contents of 
the proposed law having comparatively little influence on its fate. 
******* 

The great danger of the Eeferendum is that it has a tendency to 
tempt the electorate to believe in its own infallibility, and to 
dispense with informed and independent direction, a consummation 
devoutly to be avoided in the interests of good government. In 
the trade union world Mr. Sidney Webb says that — 

Half a century of practical experience of the Initiative and the Referendum 
has led not to their extension but to an ever stricter limitation of their applica- 
tion. The attempt to secure the participation of every member in the manage- 
ment of his society was found to lead to instability in legislation, dangerous 
unsoundness in finance, and general weakness in administration.* 

In England we know from history that there are certain cases 
in which it would have been most unwise to consult the people 
even on a burning question. Public opinion would not have 
sanctioned for a moment the Toleration Act of the seventeenth 
century, the Act preventing the burning of witches in the eighteenth, 
or the Catholic Emancipation Bill in the nineteenth. It is doubtful 
whether any Government would now pass a measure in the teeth 
of popular opinion, but it may still decline to take action in a 
direction demanded by the people. There are certain cases, as Mr. 

* " Industrial Democracy," Vol. I., chap. 2. 



347 



WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE UNITED KINGDOM. 

Dickinson has pointed out, when it would be the duty of Parliament 
to stand out against the wishes of the nation in the interests of law, 
order, and humanity. 

In Switzerland, however, the people possess in the Popular 
Initiative the means of forcing the hand of their Legislatures. The 
effect of the Referendum is to confer upon the citizens the right of 
accepting or rejecting a law which has been made for them ; the 
Popular Initiative enables those citizens to actually make the laws 
themselves. When a law is voted down at a poll it is possible to 
argue that its rejection is owing to the fact that the people want 
something else. When the people have the right to say "We do 
not want this '" it is illogical to say that they do not know what they 
do want, and then if they really know what they want it is quite 
arguable that some machinery should be devised to let them 
express their wishes. It is only a step for the voters to wish to 
make laws instead of merely vetoing them, to give the coach a 
start instead of always putting on the drag. Historically the 
Popular Initiative has always followed close on the heels of the 
Referendum. The institution is organised in such a way in the 
Federal Government that any 50,000 Swiss citizens can either send 
an imperative suggestion to the Government as to the subject of a 
law or can draft the law themselves. In either case it is submitted 
to the Referendum to decide its fate. In the Federal Government 
the Popular Initiative has been exercised three times since 1891, 
when the right was regulated and enlarged. The first law passed 
in this way enacted that animals should not be killed without 
having previously been stunned. This was aimed at the Jews, who 
bled their animals, and was of the nature of religious persecution 
and a most unhappy inauguration of the new right. Of the other 
attempts one was a Bill which enacted that every person should 
have adequately paid work provided by the Government should he 
desire it, and the second directed that the surplus in the Federal 
Treasury should be divided among the cantons at the rate of 2frs. 
per head of the population. 1 Both these laws were rejected by the 
people, and their tenour needs no comment. 

* "Parliament in the Nineteenth Century.*' p. 174. 

+ The length to which this right may be carried is shown in the use of the 
Initiative in the municipality of Berne when the question of erecting a new 
bridge arose. A popular vote fixed the site of the bridge ; another decided that 
it should be of metal, contrary to the wish of the minority, who wanted it of 
stone. Everything was ready to commence the work when another Initiative 
was brought forward that the following questions should be submitted to the 
people : Do you wish to change the preceding vote ? Do you wish such a bridge 
at all? Do you wish any other plan? The Council declined to put the 
questions in this form, and decided only to submit the first of them. The 
minority thereupon objected strongly, saying that this was a violation of 
popular rights. 



348 



THE CASE AGAINST THE REFERENDUM, 



At present* two Initiative demands are being sent in to the 
Government — one that the Executive shall be elected directly by 
the people, the "other that the Lower House shall be chosen by the 
system of proportional representation. It seems quite absurd 
that such important constitutional changes should be forced on the 
Government by any chance combination of 50,000 citizens who 
draft the law behind closed doors and without public discussion, 
and who are not in any way responsible. Once such a Bill has been 
drafted and signed by tw T o persons it is unalterable, and there is 
no possibility for debate or amendment. 

Thus, when the people are led to believe that their legislative 
judgments are final and infallible we get them dispensing with the 
Legislature altogether, assuming the active role, and making laws 
themselves, with results which are grotesque and dangerous in 
Switzerland, and which created a general instability in the trade 
union world. 



There is another great objection to the Referendum, and that 
is its tendency to lower the sense of the responsibility of the 
Legislature and the quality of the men who seek to be elected. 
These are, of course, facts that cannot be measured by statistics, 
and they must naturally depend upon the opinion of the person 
who makes the assertion. 

It is not difficult to see that when the work of the Legislature 
is not final the debates would be apt to diminish in importance. 
The legislator who no longer makes a law, but merely gives a piece 
of advice by his vote, would scarcely take so much interest when 
he had less responsibility. Realising that his doings were not of 
vital importance, he would not see the force of worrying over a 
law night after night. There would be a disposition to shift the 
burden of decision on to the shoulders of the electorate, who have 
not been forced to think about the question and have very little 
time to devote to its study. In the United States some of the 
Legislatures have been only too glad to shirk the onus of decision, 
and have sometimes tried to submit thorny questions to the people 
on their own initiative, a mode of proceeding condemned as 
unconstitutional by the courts. 

In Switzerland it has been said that the legislators have more 
than once voted for a law to get it out of the way, hoping that the 
people would vote it down, and that they often do not dare to 
defend before the people the law which they voted for in the 
House. It has also been maintained that the Referendum makes 

* July, 1899. 



349 



WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE UNITED KINGDOM. 

the Swiss legislators afraid to undertake any really great reform 
because they know that the electorate will not accept anything 
very far-reaching, and that all the debates and discussion in 
Parliament will go for nothing when such a measure is submitted 
to the poll. Xor is it at all surprising that the Eeferendum should 
create timid legislators. As the seat of ultimate sovereignty, Par- 
liament commands a respect and offers an opportunity of usefulness 
which makes its membership attractive to men of public spirit. To 
attribute the ultimate authoritv on every law to the fluctuating 
majority must tend to drive strong and independent men from 
politics, and leave the more yielding and inert to do the work. The 
Referendum in this country would strike a fatal blow at the 
sovereignty of Parliament, and any degradation of the position of 
Parliament must affect the quality of the men who are willing to 
stand for election. 

Moreover, in the United Kingdom such a drastic measure as 
the Eeferendum is happily unnecessary. 

The two countries that have adopted the Referendum have 
done so under peculiar circumstances. The Swiss people have 
never been used to Parliamentary Government, whereas thev have 
been accustomed to mass voting in their local assemblies for half a 
thousand years. They set up representative assemblies in the 
cantons after 1830, which proved a failure. The Swiss were 
unable to control their representatives in any way, and had no 
means of bringing public opinion to bear. The voting on laws 
passed by the Legislatures was, therefore, devised as a check on 
the Chambers, and was incorporated into the Federal Constitution 
in 1874. The Referendum was adopted in Switzerland because the 
citizens were unfitted by habit and training for Parliamentarv 
Government as we know it. They have devised instead a system 
which is no less remarkable, but which is as different from the 
British Constitution as night is from day. In the United States 
the Referendum has also been introduced owing to the failure of 
the representative system. It is a desperate remedy to combat a 
desperate disease, viz., the corruption of the State Legislatures. 
There is a tendency to curtail as much as possible the subjects 
with which the Legislatures may deal, and to include more 
subjects in the constitution, any change in which must be voted 
on by the people. * Our Parliament is not, however, debased and 
venal ; it is not, happily, swayed by a moneyed lobby ; our leaders 
do not openly seek only their own private ends, and our people 
have not lost control over the Legislature and Executive. We are 

* The American Legislatures in many States are now forbidden to meet 
except once in two years, and then only for a few weeks. 



350 



THE CASE AGAINST THE KEFERENDUM, 



not suffering from any of the diseases of the body politic which are 
the despair of patriotic Americans. There is no analogy whatever 
between the condition of the State Governments of the United 
States, with their dishonoured Legislatures, their lack of responsible 
government, and the absence of Ministers from the legislative 
body, and the Parliament of Great Britain. In speaking against 
the Referendum for Australia in the Convention appointed to draw 
up the new Federal Constitution, Mr. Wise said that 

Parliament is a most flexible instrument of public opinion; it controls 
Ministers by questioning them upon their policy, by censuring them for their 
misdeeds, and ultimately by dismissing them from office. As a representative 
of every class in the community it ensures that every interest will be regarded, 
and that no grievance will go for a lengthened period unredressed. It trains 
up a succession of competent men to undertake the service of the State. 

If this be true of the Australasian Parliaments it is equally true 
of the Mother of Parliaments, for the British Legislature, with all 
its faults, is the most successful representative institution in the 
world. 

The Referendum has been adopted in other countries as a 
remedy for evils which are happily unknown to us. We ascertain 
the feeling of the country by a different method, which is in 
accordance with our historical traditions and training, and which 
has the advantage of giving time for reflection, discussion, and 
amendment. 

Big questions are virtually decided at a general election, and to 
submit second-rate questions would be to add too much to the 
already heavy burden of voting. One need only instance the 
Reform Bill, the Repeal of the Corn Laws, and the Home Rule 
question to prove that popular opinion can make itself felt as 
effectively as if every man had written "Yes" or "No" on the 
ballot paper. In the United Kingdom at the present day we have 
Parish Council, District Council, County Council, School Board, 
and Parliamentary elections, and life seems one long process of 
going to the poll or trying to persuade other people to record their 
vote. We do not want another process, a sort of aggravated 
general election, superadded. M. Droz complains that in Switzer- 
land in one year he had no fewer than twelve laws, cantonal or 
federal, sent him to vote on, and was required to go to the polls 
no fewer than a dozen times. One Deputy in Solothurn said that 
he was summoned to vote once every three weeks. 

******* 

Not only are there many objections to the principle of the 
Referendum, but there are grave practical difficulties in the way of 
introducing such a system into the British Constitution. There 
are four ways in which this might possibly be done. 



351 



WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE UNITED KINGDOM. 

In the first place there might be an Act of Parliament passed 
which should specify certain classes of questions which must go to 
the people before receiving the royal assent. An Act, however, 
could not provide for every contingency or important matter that 
might arise, and, though it might be useful as far as it went, it 
would be distinctly inadequate. 

Secondly, there might be a Referendum in the case of a dispute 
between the two Houses. In five of the Australasian colonies it 
has been proposed that when a Bill has twice been rejected by the 
Upper House, then the Lower House may if it chooses refer the 
question to the country. The difficulty here is to know in what 
terms to refer the dispute — whether to submit the Bill to the 
country as it left the Upper House or as it left the Lower 
House, or whether the two Bills should be laid before the electors 
with all the amendments for them to decide between the rival 
schemes. The possibility of appealing to an outside source would 
stiffen the backs of both Houses in any dispute, the obstinacy of 
majorities would increase, and both sides would be less willing to 
hammer out a compromise. In Great Britain a Referendum in 
the case of a dispute between the two Houses would only mean 
that the Bills of the Liberal party would be sent to the country. 
If they were then rejected the Liberal party would have to resign 
and the Conservatives would come into power. This form of the 
Referendum would really give the Lords the power of forcing a 
dissolution when the Liberal party should have the majority, and 
would thus be a great addition to the power of the Upper House. 

The third plan proposed is that Parliament should be allowed 
to decide by a vote of both Houses when to appeal to the Re- 
ferendum, and should have the right to send a Bill to the countrv 
by tacking on a Referendum clause to any Act they choose, to the 
effect that the law should not come into force until it had been 
accepted by the electorate. Were this possible, however, the party 
out of pow-er would always be clamouring for a Referendum clause 
to be added to a Bill, and the party in power, who would not wish 
to run the risk of the Bill being rejected, would never grant it, 
consequently there would be endless debates and obstructions. 
The Referendum at the option of Parliament was found to work in 
this manner in the canton of Berne, and accordingly the Swiss 
legislators decided not to introduce this form when the Referendum 
w r as incorporated into the Federal Constitution in 1871. 

Moreover, after the Parliament has decided in favour of a 
Referendum being taken, the Cabinet has to organise the voting. 
They are thus able to choose their own time to refer the Bill, and 
may so seize their opportunity that an important domestic Bill 



352 



THE CASE AGAINST THE REFERENDUM, 



may be carried by the momentary popularity they may have 
gained from some military success. When the matter is left in 
the hands of the Executive they can put the question as they like, 
and when they like, and how they like, and the result of this in the 
trade union world is thus summed up by Mr. Webb : — 

If the executive could choose the issues to be submitted, the occasion 
on which the question should be put, and the form in which it should be 
couched, the Referendum, far from supplying any counterpoise to the executive, 
was soon found to be an immense addition to its power. Any change which 
the executive desired could be stated in the most plausible terms and supported 
bv convincing arguments, which almost invariably secured its adoption by a 
large majority.* 

The only democratic expedient is the method tried in the Swiss 
Federal Government, by which a certain number of citizens 
petition for the Bills they wish to vote on. If the Parliament is so 
untrustworthy and so little representative that its legislation has 
to be checked and overhauled, then the electors ought to be able to 
choose when they will intervene. In fact, the only time people 
will wish to interfere is when the majority in Parliament is not 
acting in accordance with the popular wishes, and who can judge 
this so well as the people themselves? The matter must, there- 
fore, be left in the hands of the country, and the occasion cannot 
be satisfactorily settled by Act of Parliament or by a vote of both 
Houses. But if the voters are allowed to petition, as in Switzer- 
land, it means that the matter will be given over to a political 
caucus or association. No one person would ever dream of collect- 
ing thousands of signatures by himself. There must be organisa- 
tions or clubs to effect this, and they will be compelled to justify 
their existence by being continually active and by constantly send- 
ing in demands. In Switzerland there is a group of professional 
politicians who make a business of getting up Referendum demands 
to discredit the Government. They are known as the Neinsager — 
the people who say no. The result of such petitioning could only 
be the obstruction of legislation, to say nothing of the burden of 
being continually worried to sign demands for the Referendum. 
******* 

There is yet another practical difficulty in connection with the 
introduction of the Referendum, and that is the form in which any 
legislative proposal shall be referred to the country. There are 
two alternatives: the one is to frame the question in general terms 
embodying the principle of the Bill; the other is to submit the 
Bill complete in all its details. The former commends itself at 
first sight. The idea of laying simple definite issues before the 
country and obtaining a direct "Yes" or "No" to them is a very 

* "Industrial Democracy," Vol. I., p. 26. 



353 



WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE UNITED KINGDOM. 

attractive one. Great questions are not simple, however. The 
problem of Employers' Liability, for instance, includes all the 
disputed points about "contracting out" and " contributory negli- 
gence." It is not easy to see how such technicalities may be 
explained to the ordinary mind. All great questions are very com- 
plicated and involve many principles. It is impossible to place the 
real meaning of a very important piece of legislation before the 
electors in the form of a simple query requiring merely an affirma- 
tive or negative answer to settle it once for all. 

Let us imagine, however, that such a question has been framed, 
and that an affirmative answer has been received. The Parliament 
would then proceed to obey its mandate, and would draft a law 
embodying the wishes of the nation. Then the further difficulty 
arises of knowing whether the Bill in its final form does or does 
not represent the wishes of the voters. It is quite possible that it 
might not satisfy them at all, and they would say that their man- 
date has been grossly misinterpreted and their trust and confidence 
abused. 

The drafting of the question and the explanation of the issues 
involved are two great stumbling blocks, but they are slight com- 
pared to the task of framing a law which would satisfy those who 
voted for it in principle. 

Let us, then, take the case of a finished Bill being set before 
the elector for his approval or rejection, as it is in Switzerland. 
But to expect the man in the street even to understand the 
phraseology of a long and technically expressed Act of Parliament 
is to demand too much from him. A farm labourer cannot be 
expected to understand a commercial code or a townsman the 
import of agricultural legislation. It is no answer to say that 
since these same men can choose a representative they are equally 
competent to pronounce on his work. Xo one would ask the first 
man he met in the street to build him a house or to set his leg, but 
he could ask him for the address of an architect or a doctor. 
A man's daily experience leads him to form a fairly accurate judg- 
ment of his fellow men and helps him to choose between two political 
parties, but the ordinary man lacks the necessary training which 
would enable him to appraise measures at their proper worth. 
Each voter ought to be able not only to understand why legislation 
is necessary, but also whether the law in question is adequate to 
meet the case. This, however, is more or less impossible in a 
great Empire like ours. Switzerland is a small nation with only 
700,000 voters. The population is stable, and mainly agricultural; 
there are no great cities with their congested mass of unemployed, 
and no marked inequalities of wealth. She has, therefore, none 
of the industrial and social problems to face which beset more 

24 



354 



THE CASE AGAINST THE REFERENDUM, 



powerful peoples."'- Modern legislation in a large country with a 
huge population is a very intricate matter. A great deal of it is 
necessarily so sectional and specialised, and so much of it deals 
with particular classes of the community the wants of which other 
classes could not possibly realise, that it would be hopeless to 
expect those who are not practically acquainted with the facts to be 
in a position to judge either the occasion for or the adequacy of 
the remedy applied to the particular case. To lay a finished Bill 
before the country is to appeal from comparative knowledge to 
comparative ignorance. By the time a member has passed through 
his electioneering and gets in Parliament and hears innumerable 
debates he probably knows a little more about the subject than the 
man in the street. His election is a political education, which is 
continued in the House. The difficulty is that the member when 
sitting in Parliament has to vote on party lines, but we have seen 
members change sides and parties split up on great questions. 
The individual member has, therefore, still some freedom. 

Of course, any Bill referred to the country would be freely 
discussed in the newspapers and at public meetings, which might 
tend to explain the matter at issue. The majority of people are 
not so constituted, however, as to habitually read the Opposition 
papers except when they want amusement, nor are they in the 
habit of going to Opposition meetings with the view of changing 
their convictions. Very few people, therefore, hear two sides of 

* According to the last census (1888) the population of Switzerland was 
2,917,740, an increase of 375 per cent per annum since 1880. The revenue 
was 91,556,543 francs — about £228,891. In 1897 the imports amounted to 
1,114,442,097 francs (£2,786,105) ; the exports, 747,436,486 francs (£1,868,591). 
There were 4,933 factories in 1895, employing 200,002 workpeople (" Statesman's 
Year Book, 1899"). Compare these figures with those given by Sir R. Giffen 
in his lecture to the Colonial Institute. In 1897 there were 681,705 million 
square miles occupied by English races owing allegiance to the British Crown 
and 472,046 million square miles occupied by subject races — an increase of 
285,469 million square miles since 1871; i.e., a new empire in twenty-six years. 
If we include Egypt and the Egyptian Soudan 1,350 million square miles must 
be added to the above total. The revenue of the lands occupied by English 
races is 1456 millions sterling (an increase of 59 - 6 millions since 1871). In 
the lands occupied by subject races the revenue amounts to 111-8 millions 
(increase, 55'3 millions). The value of the exports and imports of the lands 
occupied by English races was 1,036 millions sterling in 1897 (an increase of 
247 millions since 1871). In the lands occupied by subject races the exports 
and imports were worth 338-1 million sterling (increase, 1809 millions), and 
Egypt 23-6 millions. The population was 50-08 millions in 1897 in lands 
occupied by English races, an increase of 33 per cent since 1871. In the lands 
occupied by subject races the population was 357'33 millions, an increase of 
44 per cent. In Egypt and the Soudan the population was 14-73 millions. 
These figures are so vast that the mind almost refuses to grasp them, but they 
should never be left out of sight when it is a question of devising political expedi- 
ents which must affect hundreds of millions instead of a few hundred thousand. 



355 



WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE UNITED KINGDOM. 

the question. A member, on the contrary, has to listen to the 
debates of both parties, and receives a certain amount of training 
in compromise. * 

It is over questions of detail rather than over questions of 
principle that the real struggle arises. To appeal to the electorate 
with Bills and rival schemes in such a case is not merely to appeal 
to the uninstructed as umpires; it is to accept the judgment of 
"persons judging in the last resort and without a penalty in lieu 
of persons judging in fear of a dissolution and fully conscious that 
they are subject to an appeal." In the trade union constitutions, 
Mr. Webb says: "The use of the Initiative and the Referendum 
has been tacitly given up in all complicated issues and gradually 
limited to a few special questions on particular emergencies." 

Further, it has been found that the Referendum in Switzerland 
is very expensive. The mere Governmental expenses of printing 
and taking of the vote in that small country comes to a compara- 
tively large sum,t without reckoning the money spent by private 
societies in getting up the demand and in conducting the campaign. 

To sum up. The objections to the Referendum are both 
theoretical and practical. It would be a very difficult constitu- 
tional change to introduce, and might easily become a powerful 
weapon for endless obstruction in the hands of the Opposition. 
If it were used in the case of a dispute between the two 
Houses in Great Britain it would lessen the disposition of 
either House to compromise in order to attain some result, and 
would materially add to the powder of the Upper House. If the 
Referendum were started by a petition the country would be at 
the mercy of a machine for collecting signatures and getting up 
agitations. It would be almost impossible to put the question 
simply or to know whether the Act founded on the answer to 
that question really corresponded to the wishes of the voters if only 
the principle of the Bill were submitted. If the voting took place 
on the Bill itself there is still the objection that the ordinary 
citizen has neither the necessary leisure, documents, nor training 
to enable him to appraise the value of such a piece of work, 
especially as our legislation is now so specialised, technical, and, 
to a large extent, sectional. 

* In Switzerland the difficulty of explaining the tenour of the law has been 
one of the principal reproaches levelled against the system. In some cantons 
explanatory messages are sent round to the electors with the laws to be voted 
on, but no one ever reads these explanations, as they are merely a panegyric of 
the wisdom and policy of the Government in passing such Bills. 

f The vote on the Law of Bankruptcy cost the Government 130,000 francs. 
This is a large sum for a nation of 700,000 voters, whose habitual economy 
may be judged by the fact that the President receives a salary of £520 a year, 
and is not allowed to engage in any other profession or business while in office. 



356 



THE CASE AGAINST THE REFERENDUM. 



In its working the Referendum would probably follow party 
lines, like any election, and where parties are • organised it is not 
likely that legislation would thereby be divorced from politics. 
The Referendum is certainly a great check, and it is natural that 
it should be so; it is so easy to find flaws in a finished work of 
which the voter approved in principle. We do not seem to suffer 
so much from over-legislation that we need the Referendum as a 
drag on the legislative wheel. The experience of Switzerland 
shows that people are unwilling to vote and to assume the respon- 
sibility of sitting in judgment on proposed measures, and that they 
are more interested in elections than in voting on laws. Further- 
more, the Referendum leads to the Popular Initiative, which is a 
dangerous species of "legislative dynamite." The Referendum is 
apt to degrade the position of the Legislature in the eyes of the 
people, and to lessen the legislators' sense of responsibility. 
Finally, the Referendum is more or less unnecessary in a country 
like the United Kingdom, where popular opinion can and does 
make itself felt at certain intervals by means of general elections. 
To introduce the Referendum in such a case would be some- 
what like buying a good watchdog and sitting up all night and 
every night to see that he barked properly. 

We have a Parliamentary system which has been copied by all 
the West European States. Nowhere has it worked so well as in 
England, which seems to point to the fact that borrowed institu- 
tions are not apt to be successful. Our constitution is the result 
of century-long growth, and has adapted itself to the government 
of a great Empire. The Referendum is subversive of the Parlia- 
mentary system which we have found so satisfactory on the whole. 
The smaller the country the easier the problem of its government. 
We ought to hesitate before introducing even the successful 
political expedient of small Republican states into a large and 
powerful monarchy with world-wide interests and ambitions, and 
the Referendum has proved itself by no means a perfect instru- 
ment even in those small states. While it has much to attract 
those whose watchword is "government of the people, by the 
people, and for the people," the investigation of its practical 
working makes us "rather bear those ills we have than fry to 



others that we know not of. 



357 



Railioap Rates ana Charges. 



BY J. MARTIN KNIGHTS, F.S.S. 




I.— PAST. 

P to the latter part of the 18th century roads were the 
chief means of transit. Unfortunately these were 
generally in a very bad state, often impassable to 
the heavy, cumbrous wagons drawn either by six or 
eight horses that conveyed the goods of the time. 
From the main roads bye-roads were constructed 
leading to the mines, quarries, canals, &e., which were opened up. 
These bye-roads were generally of the worst kind, and we find 
wagon owners laying either parallel smooth stones or baulks of 
timber lengthways along the road, so that their wagons might 
reach the main road quickly and with less labour. This was the 
mediaeval railway. In 1767 an iron manufacturer suggested the 
plan of using iron tracks in place of stone and timber. Nine 
years later the canal companies were authorised to build these 
railways in order to facilitate the transport of goods to and from 
their waterways. At this time long distance traffic by road was 
almost unknown and extremely costly. For example, the cost of 
conveyance between London and Exeter was £12 per ton. 

Early in the present century a Nottingham expert proposed a 
great extension of the railways, but public opinion was adverse, 
and little progress was made. There was at the time a spreading 
network of roads in the kingdom, along which commerce was 
developing, but charges were enormously high. 

The first chartered railway, a short road for use by horses, was 
sanctioned in 1801, and ran from Wandsworth to Croydon. In 
1801 a crude steam locomotive drawing some ten tons at a time 
was actually at work at a Welsh ironworks. In 1821 the Stockton 
to Darlington Railway was opened, and was at first worked by 
horses ; goods were charged one-fifth of a penny per ton per 
mile. Steam traction was applied at a later date, and the rate 
then for coal for home consumption was |d. per ton per mile ; 
for export, 4d. These charges appear to have been for the use 
of the road only. The only London railway open at the accession 
of the Queen was one worked by ropes, between the Minories and 
Blackwall. 



358 



RAILWAY BATES AND CHARGES. 



The present system of railways owes its origin to the famous 
inventions of George Stephenson, and his "Kocket," built for the 
Liverpool and Manchester Eailway, in 1823, was the first really 
practical locomotive. From that time railway companies were 
rapidly formed, railway building proceeded very quickly, and the 
roads, locomotives, rolling stock, &c, have been steadily improved 
up to their present high standard. 

With the early railways it was intended that the companies 
should own the actual road, and allow the public the use ; 
the railway company charging only a road toll. In 1823 the 
railway companies acquired legal power to provide steam engines 
for locomotion, and where provided an additional charge could 
be made under the head of "Locomotive Power Toll." Up to 
1838 engines belonging to traders were run upon the Liverpool 
and Manchester Eailway, and it was recommended that the Post 
Office should adopt the same means. This system, however, quite 
died out within the next few years. 

In 1833 the railway companies obtained powers to provide the 
whole of the rolling stock, with officials to regulate the systems 
and convey the goods. The railway companies were authorised to 
charge for this service under the head of " Polling Stock Toll." 

The actual tolls chargeable for locomotive power and rolling 
stock were not legally fixed. The Legislature expected that com- 
petition would arise between the carrying companies, and, therefore, 
only required that the tolls should be reasonable. 

For many years the work of carrying merchandise upon some 
of the railways was actually performed by large firms of carriers, 
such as Messrs. Pickford and Co., who provided the siding accom- 
modation and goods stations. As an instance the London and 
Birmingham Railway (opened in 1838, and now the great London 
and North-Western Railway Company, an amalgamation of about 
forty small lines) did not warehouse London goods at first. This 
was done by Pickford and Co. 

In the early years a rough classification of goods, borrowed 
from the canal companies, existed, and there was a clause in the 
Railway Acts enforcing equal mileage tolls. It was soon found 
that the exigencies of business needed greater freedom, and a clause 
was inserted later in the Acts giving the railway companies 
power to vary tolls. In the old Acts coal in some cases was 
chargeable at 8d. per ton j)er mile for road toll only, against fd. 
per ton per mile in other Acts. In 1839 Mr. Gladstone claimed 
the right of Parliament to revise tolls. In 1842 some supervision 
over railways was given to the Board of Trade, and in 1844 a 
Parliamentary Commission decided that tolls were too high, but 
stated that competition between companies would be harmful. 



359 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



An Act was passed which gave the Legislature power to regulate 
tolls under certain circumstances. At this time some of the 
leading lines were paying 10 per cent to 15 per cent dividend, and 
the capital cost per mile of railway was half the present amount. 

In 1845 the exclusive right to use the railroad was practically 
granted to the railway companies, excluding the traders and 
carriers, who had now quite ceased to run their own engines, 
chiefly on account of the high tolls demanded. The carriage of 
small parcels of goods was, however, the cause of keen competition 
between the carriers and the railway companies, and had it not 
been for a clause known as the "Equality Clause" in the Acts, 
demanding equal treatment, the carriers would soon have been 
crushed. With general goods, carriers like Pickford, Parker, and 
Chaplin contented themselves with the collection and the delivery. 
In 1845 the Maximum Rates clause teas introduced, which 
limited a railway company's total charge for conveyance to less 
than the aggregate of the three previous tolls (road toll, locomotive 
toll, and rolling stock toll). In this we have the foundation of our 
present "Conveyance Eate." 

At this period the amalgamation of railway companies was 
causing some alarm. The Board of Trade made a report to 
Parliament on the subject, taking the ground that it was right for 
continuous lines but not for competing lines, and suggested that 
where power to amalgamate was granted the opportunity should 
be taken to modify the existing powers of the railway companies. 

A matter that attracted attention in 1815 was the competition 
between railways and some canals. With a view to giving 
encouragement to canals, an Act was passed giving them the same 
power to vary tolls as railways. A further Act gave canal com- 
panies power to become carriers, and to make working arrange- 
ments with other canal companies. 

A Parliamentary Committee was appointed in 1816 to consider 
the expediency of allowing amalgamation of canals and railways. 
The Committee justified amalgamation, but recommended that an 
Executive Department should supervise both railways and canals. 
Thus was established the "Railway Commission," which continued 
till 1851, when, owing to the opposition of the railway companies, 
its duties were transferred to the Board of Trade. The Committee 
reported that a revision of railway rates was imperative. 

A number of Acts authorised companies to make undefined 
charges for "terminals," e.g., loading, unloading, &c., and it was 
generally understood that railways could make charges by agree- 
ment for warehousing, wharfage, demurrage, cartage, ^c. 

The Railway Clearing House was voluntarily created in 1847, 
and a legal status given it in 1S50. In 1817 5,000 miles of rail- 



360 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



way were open, and in 1850 1,560 miles were abandoned, as the 
promoters could not complete them. In the same year Mr. 
Gladstone arbitrated between three large railway companies on 
the question of division of traffic. 

In 1853 the question of railway amalgamation was again 
brought before a Committee, known as the Caldwell and Gladstone 
Committee, which recommended a revision of rates, through traffic, 
and just facilities. The London and North- Western and Midland 
Eailway Companies were at this time trying to amalgamate, and 
they contended that, to carry out the principle of through traffic, 
amalgamation was necessary. An Act was introduced, however, 
compelling both railway and canal companies to accept through 
traffic; hence our through rates. 

The 1854 Act also contained an extension of the Equality Clause. 
This was inserted mainly owing to the struggle which had existed 
for a number of years between the railway companies and the 
carriers for parcels traffic. The railway companies claimed to 
apply a different system of charging the carriers' traffic, and also 
not to allow a rebate for cartage. The first difficulty was com- 
plicated by a clause in the Special Eailway Acts known as the 
"Small Parcels" Clause, which authorised a railway company to 
charge a different sum for packages under a given weight. On 
this authority the railway companies had established a Small 
Parcels Eate, as well as a Tonnage Eate. The contest was only 
ended by the decision of the House of Lords in 1869. The decision 
instructed the railway companies to charge the carriers on the 
aggregate weight of the number of parcels enveloped — irrespective 
of the ultimate destination of each parcel — and to allow a rebate 
for cartage. 

Up to this time the railway companies had incurred in Parlia- 
mentary expenses about £70,000,000 in opposing rival schemes. 

In 1858 it was found necessary to prevent the further control 
of the canals by railway companies, and an Act was passed for 
this purpose. 

Meetings were held in 1859-60 between the representatives of 
the railway companies and the Chairmen of Parliamentary Com- 
mittees to discuss the question of charges for terminal services. 
A model Terminal Clause was drawn up to be inserted in future 
railway Bills, the total terminal charges being limited to 2s. per 
ton on goods and 9d. per ton on minerals. This arrangement met 
with strong opposition from the public, and was withdrawn. 

In 1863 strong complaints concerning the charges of the railway 
companies were made, and Parliament was urged to guard the 
traders' interests. 



361 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



In 1864 the Railway Construction Facilities Act was passed, 
enabling companies to make unopposed lines without the consent 
of Parliament. This Act has been inoperative owing to the opposi- 
tion of the rival companies, which made application to Parliament 
necessary. This Act also gave power to companies to charge a 
reasonable sum for terminal services. 

In 1865 a Royal Commission sat to inquire into the charges of 
the railway companies, and it was decided that no legislation was 
necessary so long as the railway rates were within their legal 
maximum. 

A traders' agitation arose in 1867 on the railway rates, and a 
Royal Commission inquired into the British rates as compared 
with those charged in several foreign countries. The Commission 
thought that the greatest grievance lay in the British terminals, 
and that such charges should be based on the actual expenses. 
They recommended a revision, and were of the opinion that 
terminals charged by the railway companies under "Station 
Terminals " were included in the conveyance rate. 

The same Commission established the very significant fact that 
competition in rates did not exist between railways. They reported 
that the complaints of the traders were well founded. As a result, 
the Railway Commission was established as a permanent tribunal 
owing to the increasing dissatisfaction in the country. 

In 1868 the Regulation of Railways Act was passed, which 
required a railway company to furnish, on application, an account 
distinguishing the conveyance rate from the terminal charges. 

In 1872 most of the rates for carriage of goods, which were 
operative until 1893, were put in force by the railway companies. 

An Act passed in 1873 imposed upon the companies the duty 
of publishing rates in the station books. The Act gave power to 
any company to propose a through rate to another company at less 
than the sum of the local rates, and, in case of disagreement, the 
Railway Commission was to decide whether or not the rate should 
be allowed and the division of such rate between the companies 
concerned. Parliament did not schedule in this Act a scale of 
maximum terminal charges. 

The Act also required any railway company owning a canal to 
keep such canal in good working condition, and forbade any canal 
rates or traffic passing under a railway company's control without 
the sanction of the Railway Commission. Parliament did not see 
fit to enforce the Railway Clearing-house Classification. The 
above Act was operative until 1888. 

In 1881 the terminal question assumed a different form. Traders 
complained that the charges for short distance traffic were beyond 



362 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



the maximum powers of the railway companies. The companies 
stated that this was owing to the terminal charges. The traders 
then contended that the powers of a railway company to charge 
for terminals were limited to the services specified in each railway 
company's Act, also that where an Act contained no reference to 
terminals all charges were covered by the maximum rate. The 
railway companies' special x\cts certainly differed in these terminals, 
some enumerating more services than others, and some con- 
taining no reference to terminal charges. The point of contest 
was evidently with the charge known as " Station Terminals." 
The old Railway Acts authorised the companies to erect toll houses ; 
the adjoining landowners were permitted to erect warehouses and 
to charge for their use. Later, depots for goods were built by 
carriers, the actual railway station being for passengers only. 
When the companies became general carriers it was necessary 
for them to have buildings for the accommodation of then' goods 
traffic, so that the present railway goods station is the carriers' 
depot plus railway toll house. The London and North- Western 
Railway Company spent in construction of goods stations in 
London, Manchester, and Liverpool over £5,000,000. 

It would seem that the public has always paid terminal charges 
either to a landowner, carrier, or railway company. In this 
year (1881) the services specified under terminals were : — Loading, 
unloading, covering, uncovering, checking, invoicing, watching, 
marshalling and shunting particular trucks, warehousing (in the 
sense of taking charge of goods until the train was ready to start, 
and until delivery could be effected at consignee's end), collection, 
and delivery. Terminal charges are, therefore, to cover interest on 
capital expended on land, buildings, machinery, sidings, cartage, &c., 
and the provision of clerical and manual labour, &c. They can be 
further arranged — 

(a) Station (structural, &c.) terminals. 

(b) Service (handling) terminals. 

(c) Cartage terminals. 

The Parliamentary Committee of the year, formed to inquire 
into the dissatisfaction expressed at the rates, recognised the right 
of the railway companies to charge terminals, but the Committee 
held that the trader should be protected from excessive charges. 
Preferential rates were discussed, and were justified by the Com- 
mittee, as they prevented local monopolies. The lower rates to 
seaports were contested by the inland towns, but the Committee 
held that to annul these rates would only benefit the steamboat 
companies. 



363 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



The Committee recommended, amongst other points, that 
power should be given to the Eailway Commissioners to order 
through rates on the application of traders. 

Nothing was done by Parliament about the points under notice 
until the Bill of 1884, brought in by Mr. Chamberlain, granting a 
right of appeal from the decisions of the Railway Commissioners, and 
authorising railway companies to charge for station terminals in all 
cases where railway companies were willing to submit to a revision 
of their classification and maximum rates. The railway companies 
strongly opposed this, and the Bill was withdrawn. Then the 
principal railway companies voluntarily revised their classification 
and maximum rates, and private Bills were introduced authorising 
terminal charges, but these Bills were also withdrawn. 

In 1886-87 Bills were proposed by the Government, and the 
principles were eventually embodied in the Act of 1888. This Act 
appointed a new Railway Commission, with the full rights of a 
Superior Court. The Commission was to enforce, among other 
points — 

(a) The co-operation of companies. 

(b) Provisions relating to private sidings. 

(c) Through rates. 

(d) Adjustment of rates on canals controlled by the railway 

companies when excessive charges were made to 
divert traffic from the canals. 

Under this Act traders or local bodies could suggest through 
rates. A revision was to be made within six months by all railway 
and canal companies of their maximum rates and classification, 
to be submitted to the Board of Trade for approval. The basis of 
terminal charges was to be the expenditure reasonably necessary 
for the accommodation provided, and not of the actual outlay 
incurred. (At this time terminals averaged 20 per cent of the total 
rate.) Companies were required to keep for sale the Classification 
Book and Schedule of Maximum Rates. It was obligatory to keep 
Rate Books at the stations for inspection by the public, and, in the 
case of traffic by sea and land, the Rate Book to show the pro- 
portion for each. Traders could claim under this Act for the 
conveyance rate to be distinguished from the terminal charges, and 
no increase was to be made without publication. Group rates were 
legalised. The Act prohibited preferential rates in favour of foreign 
merchandise. 

The Act required an effective system of through rates between 
railways, and it prevented the further control of canals passing into 
the hands of the railway companies. Further, the canal com- 
panies were authorised to establish a Clearing House. 



364 



KAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



The various Railway and Canal Companies Acts fulfilling the 
Act of 1888 we're passed during the years 1891-92, and a particular 
point is that station terminals are definitely legalised. 

On January 1st, 1893, the railway companies directly increased 
their rates up to their maximum powers. Traders generally con- 
tested the increases, and the railway companies subsequently 
modified the increases to about 5 per cent over the 1892 rates. 
Indirect increases were also made. 

But under the 1894 Act the railway companies are required to 
prove to the satisfaction of the Railway Commissioners that the 
increase of any contested rate is reasonable. This, in fact, makes a 
railway company prove the necessity for increasing any rates. 

Consequently a case was fought out on the charges between 
London and Northampton, with the understanding, on the traders' 
part, that the result would be of general application, but the railway 
companies would not concede this, and now on the traders' side 
the Mansion House Association has brought the case of Smith and 
Forrest v. Railway Companies before the Railway Commissioners 
to decide on the whole of the increases made. This covers — - 

(a) Rates, increases since 1892. 

(b) Smalls, increases since 1892. 

(c) Decrease in cartage rebates. 

(d) Increase in empties rates. 

(e) Question of railway not allowing cartage rebate on some 

C. and D. traffic. 

(/) Question of railway companies allowing, in some cases, 
less cartage rebate than is put on for cartage over the 
tonnage rates. 

The evidence has not been completed at the time of writing, 
but the basis of the railway companies' case has been increased 
expenses per ton. When, however, the facts of an increase in 
expenses were examined the companies had to admit that they 
based their statement on*estimated figures; on actual figures the 
expenses for goods traffic showed a decrease per ton. The com- 
panies made a special point at the recent hearing of the tendency 
of traders to send consignments of goods of less weight than hereto- 
fore, causing them much more expense. Twenty-five per cent of 
the total consignments are 3cwt. or under, and, therefore, come 
under what is technically known as " smalls." The traders point 
out that the smalls is a remunerative business for the railways, 
so that this tendency should be welcomed by the companies. 



365 



RAILWAY EATES AND CHAEGES. 



II.— PEESENT, 
With Some Comparisons and Comments. 

Goods are divided into eight classes, and the classification is 
known as the "working" or "Railway Clearing House" classifica- 
tion, in contradistinction to the "maximum" or "Parliamentary" 
classification. The two classifications differ in some details. The 
old Acts generally classified goods under three classes — lowest, 
medium, and highest. Lime, coal, manure, &c., were included in 
the lowest class; bricks, grain, timber, Sec, in the medium class; 
and about fifty articles in the highest class. 

The companies may not exceed the maximum conveyance rates 
and station and service terminals given for each class in the 
1891-92 Confirmation Acts. They can make a rate under the 
maximum providing that any trader on the railway is allowed 
the same lower rate under the same circumstances. 

The rates are made, it is stated, to depend primarily on eight 
considerations, viz. : — 

(1) Value of article. 

(2) Universality of consumption or use. 

(3) Comparative bulk. 

(4) Difficulty of handling. 

(5) Risk of damage. 

(6) Development of business. 

(7) Distance of journey. 

(8) Rival routes. 

Thus the railway companies contend that they charge rates 
in accordance with what traffic will bear. The same principle lies 
at the root of our taxation, and was in operation on the turnpike 
roads. The Great "Western Railway Company first declared this 
principle for regulating their charges. 

The principle manifestly makes those pay who can, or, in other 
words, "maximum cost for maximum benefit;" but the traders 
have described this as the "bleeding to death" system. 

In the United States the rate for grain is fixed reallv bv the 
markets of the world, and is now usually regulated by the prices 
ruling in our Liverpool market. The American railways are 
compelled to carry the grain at a rate which will enable producers 
to compete in the Liverpool market with the East Indian and 
Black Sea producers. So widespread is the competition that the 
transit charges in the East Indies have influenced the railway rate 
from Chicago to New York. 



366 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



The railway companies say that cost of service could not be 
the basis of rates. How is the cost of service to be ascertained? 
Equal mileage charge has been put forward, but this is unpractical, 
as it would shut traders out of distant markets and increase 
monopoly. In Germany and Holland this system obtains on paper, 
but it is only on paper; so many exceptions are made. 

Through rates and rates between towns served by more than 
one company are governed by two railway conferences — (1) the 
English and Scotch Conference; (2) the Normanton Conference. 

In accordance with the explanations set forth in the first part 
of this paper, a through rate is made up of — 

Eoad Toll ) 

Locomotive Power Toll.... - = Conveyance Eate. 
Boiling Stock Toll J 

Loading Charge I 

Unloading Charge _ Service Terminal Charges 

Covering Charge (at each end of journey). 

Uncovering Charge J 

_, ,. , , ,. f Station Terminal Charges 

Station Accommodation ...| = ^ ^ end of journey) . 

The conveyance + service + station charges make what is 
technically known as a Station to Station (S/S) Eate. Where the 
company collects and delivers, or undertakes this obligation, it is 
empowered to make additional charges; the rate then becomes 
Collection and Delivery (C/D), and covers all charges. Traders 
can ask the railway company to give the composition of a through 
rate, i.e., each of the charges separate. Eates for Class A traffic 
are generally exclusive of trucks, except in Scotland and on the 
North-Eastern Eailway Company's lines for local traffic. A and B 
classes of traffic bear no service terminal charges if such services 
are performed by the trader, as is frequently the case. 

A railway company cannot be compelled to work a private 
siding, the utmost required of a company being facilities for its 
working by the owners of the private siding. The owners of 
private sidings are entitled to have their traffic carried without any 
charge beyond the ordinary mileage rates if they place their trucks 
as near to the junction with the main line as they can safely be 
brought. By a later Act of 1894 power is given to the Railway 
Commissioners to determine the rebate to be allowed on a private 
siding for station and service terminals. 

All parcels under 3cwt. gross weight are technically known as 
" Smalls," and are charged for by the railway companies at a 
special scale known as the "Smalls." The principle dates back 



367 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



as far as 1835, and is a source of exceptional benefit to railways. 
To make up the scale the Confirmation Acts allow a railway 
company to charge — 

5d. per package in addition to tonnage rate when rate does not exceed 20s. 
6d. „ ... ,. 30s. 



7d. 
8d. 
9d. 
lOd. 
Is. 

Is. 2d. 
Is. 4d. 
Is. 6d. 



40s. 
50s. 
60s. 
70s. 
80s. 
90s. 
100s. 
is over 100s. 



The Mansion House Association on Railway Rates has analysed 
this " Smalls " scale up to the 150s. rate, and finds, after comparison 
with the previous scale (fixed in 1877), that — 

3,439 charges (or 69 - 54 per cent) are increased. 

476 ,, (or 9-63 ,, ) are decreased. 

1,030 ,, (or 20*83 ,, ) are the same. 

The largest number of increases, viz., 511, occur on rates from 
85s. lid. to Ills. 8d. The smallest number of decreases is on 
rates from Ills. 9d. to 150s., viz., eight, and the largest number 
of equalities is on rates up to 12s. lid., viz., 273. An investigation 
of the present " Smalls " scales yields an astonishing result. Taking 
the 3s. 4d. tonnage rate it is found : — 



Weight. 


Amount Paid 
by Trader. 


cwt. qr. lb. 
2 
10 

2 

3 


s. d. 
6 
7 
9 
11 



Proper 


Charge. 


s. 


d. 





1 





2 





4 





6 



Increase per 

Cent through 

operation of 

Smalls Scale. 



500 

250 

125 

83 



Real Tonnage 
Rate paid 
by Trader. 



s. d. 

20 

11 8 

7 6 

6 2 



Excess Paid 
per Ton 
through opera- 
tion of Smalls 
Scale. 



s. d. 

16 8 

8 4 

4 2 

2 10 



The 20s. tonnage rate gives : — 



Weight. 



cwt. qr. lb. 

2 

10 

2 

3 



Amount Paid 
by Trader. 



s. d. 

10 

1 4 

2 5 

3 5 



Proper Charge. 



s. d. 

6 

1 

2 

3 



Increase per 
Cent through 
operation of 
Smalls Scale. 



67 
33 
21 
14 



Real Tonnage 
Rate paid 
by Trader. 



Excess Paid 
per Ton 
through opera- 
tion of Smalls 
Scale. 



s. d. 

33 4 

26 8 

24 2 

22 9 



13 
6 

4 
2 



368 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



The 30s. Id. tonnage rate gives : — 



Weight. 



cwt. qr. lb. 

2 

10 

2 

3 



Amount Paid 
by Trader. 



Proper Charge. 



s. d. 

10 

1 7 

3 1 

4 7 



Increase per 
Cent through 
operation of 
Smalls Scale. 



Real Tonnage 
Rate paid 
by Trader. 



Excess Paid 
per Ton 
through opera- 
tion of Smalls 
Scale. 



70 
37 
19 
13 



s. d. 

56 8 

43 4 

36 8 

34 5 



s. d. 

26 7 

13 3 

6 7 

4 4 



The 90s. tonnage rate gives : — 



Weight. 



cwt. qr. lb. 

2 

10 

2 

3 



Amount Paid 
by Trader. 



s. d. 

3 5 

5 6 

10 

14 6 



Proper Charge. 



Increase per 
Cent through 
operation of 
Smalls Scale. 



Real Tonnage 
Rate paid 
by Trader. 



s. d. 

2 3 

4 6 

9 

13 6 



52 
22 
11 

7 



s. d. 

136 8 

110 

100 

96 8 



Excess Paid 
per Ton 
through opera- 
tion of Smalls 
Scale. 



s. d. 

46 8 

20 

10 

6 8 



The 150s. tonnage rate gives :- 



Weight. 



cwt. qr. lb. 

2 

10 

2 

3 



Amount Paid 
by Trader. 



s. d. 

5 3 

8 6 

16 

23 6 



Proper Charge. 


s. 


d. 


3 


9 


7 


6 


15 





22 


6 



Increase per 

Cent through 

operation of 

Smalls Scale. 



Real Tonnage 
Rate paid 
by Trader. 



40 
13 

7 
4 



s. d. 

210 

170 

160 

156 8 



Excess Paid 

per Ton 

through opera 

tion of Smalls 

Scale. 



s. d. 

60 

20 

10 

6 8 



"Smalls" thus give a great advantage to the railway com- 
panies, and it is strange that the railway companies look with 
uneasiness at the tendency of trade in this direction. Twenty-five 
per cent of the British traffic is " Smalls," and on this proportion 
the traders pay considerably more than is represented in the 
tonnage rate. The traders have got a revised and reduced scale 
put into operation between London and Northampton, by judgment 
of the Eailway Commissioners, and the contest at present before 
the same authority is to enforce a similar judgment applicable 
to the whole country. The colonies have mostly followed the 
Mother Country with special "Smalls" scale. Foreign countries 



is|5 Total Through Rate is 6s. 3d. per ton. Terminals cost 2s- 6d. of this 



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v 



369 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



have really no such scale unless "under truck loads" can be taken 
as "Smalls," or in Belgium where one classification is for goods 
under 4cwt. British railways justify the extra charge for these 
small packages on account of the extra labour entailed, but it 
is open to question whether the extra expense reaches the excess 
that the companies charge arid are paid. The scale is not 
applicable to local Scotch traffic. The scale for Scotland differs 
slightly. 

The business of parcels by passenger trains is included by the 
railway companies Under passenger traffic receipts. The railway 
companies are under no compulsion to carry any parcels by pas- 
senger train other than perishables. The rates allowed in the 
Confirmation Acts are for services from station to station only; 
but the railway companies usually quote to collect and deliver. 

Taking 40/561b. parcels, the following are the charges by the 
Great Northern Railway Company contrasted with other countries 
on meat, fish, butter, and eggs, at company's risk per ton : — 



Gt.N'th'nRly.Oo. 

)? )> 

India 

South Australia . . 

Natal 

Queensland 

Victoria 

Transvaal 

Orange Free State 

Cape 

New Zealand .... 



Conditions. 



Collected & Delivered 
* Station to Station 



10 Miles. 


25 Miles. 


50 Miles. 

s. a. 


s. 


a. 


s. 


a. 


46 


8 


46 


8 


93 4 


36 


8 


36 


8 


83 4 


18 


8 


18 


8 


37 4 


20 





26 


8 


33 4 


28 


4 


43 


4 


50 10 


40 





40 





40 


40 





40 





70 


22 


6 


33 


9 


45 


53 


4 


53 


4 


116 8 


26 


8 


26 


8 


56 8 


70 





70 





93 4 



150 Miles. 

s. a. 

186 8 

176 8 

75 

60 

103 4 

100 
160 

101 3 
226 8 
113 4 
173 4 



* 10s. per ton has been deducted for cost of collection and delivery. 



Also — 



PARCELS AT OWNERS RISK BY PASSENGER TRAIN. PER CWT. 
FISH, MEAT, AND VEGETABLES. 



Gt.N'th'nRly.Oo. f Station to Station 
Gt. E'st'nRly.Co. f 

Natal ,, ,, 

Queensland „ „ 

India 



10 Miles. 


25 Miles. 


50 Miles. 


s. d. 


s. a. 


s. d. 


11 


11 


2 1 


6 


6 


2 1 


11 


1 7 


1 10 


1 


1 


1 


6 


6 


9 



t Actual rates include one cartage, so 5s. per ton has been deducted. 



25 



370 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



The maximum scale in the Confirmation Acts and the Great 
Northern Railway Company's scale show a very remarkable com- 
parison. The railway company reserves for collection and delivery 
expenses the difference between the two tables. 



Distance. 


Maximum 

Charge 

per Ton, 

as per Acts. 


G.N.R. Charge 
per Ton. 


Difference is 

for Collection 

and Delivery 

per Ton. 


Miles. 

10 

25 

50 
150 


s. d. 
40 
40 
47 6 
75 10 


s. a. 
46 8 
46 8 
93 4 
186 8 


s. d. 

6 8 

6 8 

45 10 

110 10 



Note. — The maximum charge is station to station only. The Great Northern charges 
include collection and delivery. 

Cartage is a form of terminals which is not controlled by law, 
and the railway companies occasion injustice in several ways. A 
number of traders use their own conveyances for delivering and 
collecting goods from and to the goods stations, and it follows 
that, where a rate covering this collection and delivery is paid to 
the railway company, the trader who carts claims that the cartage 
portion of the charge should be remitted as the railway company 
has not performed the cartage services. The railway companies 
in many cases allow no rebate, and in other cases allow less back 
than is paid them. There is a recognised scale of the cartage 
allowance (known as "rebate") for each class of goods, but when 
the railways make a special low rate they reduce the amount to 
be paid back to the trader, and sometimes more in proportion than 
their share of the charges. To illustrate this the following instance 
which came under notice recently will be useful: — 



From 


To 


Goods. 


Ordinary Rate, 
including the 

Charge for 

Collection and 

Delivery. 


Portion kept 
by Railway. 


Portion given 

to Trader for 

London 

Cartage 

Allowance. 

Exceptional 
Rate, including 

Charge for 

Collection and 

Delivery. 


S 8 

art 

o £> 


Portion given 

to Trader for 

London 

Ortage 

Allowance. 


London 


Newcastle 


Tea 


s. d. 
52 6 


s. a. 

47 6 
= 90£% 


s. d. s. d. 

5 38 6 
= 9 J% 


s. d. 

35 6 
= 92J% 


s. a. 

3 

= 7|% 



The arbitrary reductions in the traders' cartage allowance 
simply because the railway companies have chosen to make a 



371 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



special low rate is justified by the railway companies on the 
grounds that they undertake the entire service, and any trader 
performing a portion of such service is the railway companies' 
agent and agrees to the railway companies' terms. The traders' 
complaints remain to be answered by the companies, and the test 
case before the Railway Commissioners will adduce important 
evidence on this subject. 

The recognised cartage rebates per ton are as follows : — 





Class 1. 

Ordinary 

Rate. 


Class 1. 
Special 
Rate. 


Class 2. 

Ordinary 

Rate. 


Class 2. 
Special 
Rate. 


Class 3. 

Ordinary 

Rate. 


Class 3. 
Special 
Rate. 


Class 4. 

Ordinary 

Rate. 


Class 4. 
Special 
Rate. 


Class 5. 

Ordinary 

Rate. 


Class 5. 
Special 
Rate. 


London 


s. d. 
3 9 
1 6 
1 
1 4 


s. d. 
2 6 

o io 


s. d. 
4 2 
1 6 
1 
1 8 


s. d. 
2 9 

i"o 


s. d. 
5 
1 9 

1 

2 


s. d. 
3 

l"4 


s. d. 
5 10 
2 3 

1 

2 6 


s. a. 

3 4 

i"s 


s. d. 
6 8 
3 3 
1 
3 4 


s. a. 

4 ..° 

2"0 


Manchester 


Newcastle 





Most Northern towns, lOd. per ton when rate is up to 8s. 4d., Is. per ton when rate is from 
8s. 4d. to 12s. 6d., Is. 6d. per ton when rate is over 12s. 6d. 

Preferentials are low rates quoted specially, and have been the 
subject of inquiry and contest in every country. Generally they 
are quoted — 

(a) To compete with shipping companies ; 

(b) For large consignments of goods ; or, 

(c) For export and import goods, 

having always as an end the creation, the sustentation, and the 
development of markets to the railway company's advantage. The 
justification of these rates is that the business cannot usually be 
had on other terms, and under these circumstances any rate "pays " 
which covers the expense of moving and handling goods. However, 
were these low rates applied indiscriminately throughout the rail- 
way system the result would possibly leave the railway companies 
with no margin of profit. It is manifest that inland towns entirely 
dependent on a railway have more advantages from a railway than 
towns which can use an alternative route, e.g., the sea. To the 
former the railway is the sole means of transit, and the railway 
company claims full remuneration. The town with the alternative 
route is not entirely dependent on the railway, and the railway 
company cannot claim remuneration much in excess of the rates 
operative on the alternative route. The cost to the railway com- 
pany per ton when the goods are in large consignments is obviously 
less than the cost per ton on goods when in small consignments. 



372 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



Preferential rates on export goods are quoted with a view to 
developing trade — many goods could not be moved to foreign 
countries unless these rates were in force. 

Preferential rates on import goods are usually quoted for large 
consignments, and to meet the competition of shipping companies. 
France has sent goods through Kent at preferential rates to the 
erroneously assumed disadvantage of local traffic with London. 
By the abolition of the preferential rates the shipping companies 
alone benefit, as the shipping companies can carry the goods direct 
to the port of London. Preferential import rates on wheat from 
America via Liverpool to London supply another instance, as the 
wheat can be brought direct to London by water. In France 
traders have complained that the products of Africa, which can be 
sent by sea, have passed through France by railway from Marseilles 
to other countries at lower rates than the interior traffic, and that 
rates for imported goods from Dunkirk or Boulogne to Paris were 
lower than the rates for French goods from intermediate stations. 
The United States, Austria, and Sweden permit preferential import 
rates. On the Continent preferential rates are also quoted in com- 
petition with other railway rates, and in consequence of this 
practice German traders have complained of goods from Hungary 
passing through Germany to England at lower rates than were 
charged to distribute home produce. Competition for coal traffic 
also forced low rates, especially for intermediate traffic. The 
railways were obliged to quote these low rates. 

Belgium has a distinct class of low rates. Part of the railway 
system is worked by the State and part by companies. The com- 
panies competed for traffic, with the result that the State lines had 
to quote low rates to get business. By this competition rates fell 
33 per cent. The Cape, Natal, and New Zealand give preferential 
rates for local traffic — their situation and development do not 
render them liable for preferential import rates. Italian traders 
complained of preferential rates, but the Committee of Inquiry 
decided that such rates strengthened national industries. 

It is important to observe that the entire abolition of preferential 
rates would necessitate an increase in normal rates to compensate 
for loss experienced as a result of diversion of traffic or flatness of 
markets. Preferential rates were recognised in the very first Kail- 
way Act. The late Lord James described them as "the natural 
gravitation of trade." 

Shipping affects the whole of Britain, and largely railway rates, 
but there is no law governing its rates. The traders are indebted 
in many ways to this branch of the transport business, but on some 
routes the snipping rates are largely fixed by the railway companies 



373 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



and shipping companies combined in what is known as a Conference. 
The element of competition does not exist in these cases. A 
result of this combination is that one portion of the traders, for 
the sea part of the journey, has to pay more than another. We 
may illustrate the shipping companies between London and the 
Yorkshire ports. These companies take goods at a through rate 
to cover the journey by sea and rail, the rail and shippng sharing 
the rate paid by the trader. On some of this traffic the proportion 
of the through rate retained by the shipping company is less than 
the ordinary charge for sea transit, although the through rate 
remains the same. The balance is taken by the railway company 
to enable it to compete in other directions. The anomaly is that 
the traders nearer the seaports pay more for the water part of the 
service than the traders further inland, notwithstanding that the 
service is identical. This arrangement is aggravated by the 
influence that these railway and shipping combinations use in 
settling the cartage rebate for the London trader. The allowance 
is fixed purposely at less than the usual carting rebate, the 
reductions benefiting the railway company. By this method 
London trader who carts his goods subscribes involuntarily to 
revenue of the railway companies of Lancashire or Yorkshire. 

The French railways have no Conferences of the foregoing 
nature with shipping companies. The Swedish railways, however, 
arrange rates with the large shipping companies at their ports. 
The Government of Denmark owns a merchant fleet, working in 
connection with the railways. The United States railways entirely 
own some of the shipping companies, and fix the rates of some of 
the waterways. 

The following is a table of some of the present rates, which 
shows the saving by local shipping : — 



the 
the 



Rail 
mile- 
age. 



52 
183 
262 
400 
413 
1000 



From 



Groceries. 



To 



Rail 


Water 


tt> 


Rate. 


Rate. 


cc 



London. 



Chicago. 



Colchester . . 
Middlesbro' 
Sunderland 

Glasgow | 72 

Grangemouth 
New York 84 



Light Drapery. 







ti> 


Rail 


Water 


_s 


Rate. 


Rate. 













Per 


s. 


d. 


s. 


d. 


cent. 


23 


9 


16 





33 


1 52 


6 


20 





61 


52 


6 


18 


6 


65 


' 72 


6 


42 


6 


41 


70 





42 


6 


39 


84 


5 


39 


1 


53 



Per 
d. cent. 



28 4 

67 3 

74 2 

100 

100 

84 5 



19 
30 
30 
40 
43 
39 



32 
55 
59 
60 
57 
54 



Furniture. 



Rail Water -~ 
Rate. Rate. d 

; GO 



s. d. 



Per 
d. cent. 



33 

80 

87 

119 

119 

126 



26 8 

55 

30 

81 8 

85 

58 9 



20 
32 
66 
31 
29 
54 



Lard from New York to West Hartlepool docks is 17s. 6d. per 
ton, but the railway rate from West Hartlepool to Manchester is 



374 



RAILWAY KATES AND CHARGES. 



21s. 4d. per ton. Lard from West Hartlepool to London by water 
— some 300 miles — is 9s. per ton. The railway charge from West 
Hartlepool to Stockton, eleven miles, is 7s. per ton. Flour is carried 
from Chicago to London, some 4,300 miles, for 34s. 9d. per ton, or 
3^d. per ton per mile. A very exceptional instance of cheap water 
transit was the rate for coal by lake from Buffalo to Chicago 
during August, 1896, viz., lOd. per ton, on a distance of 700 miles, 
and the rate included loading and unloading. Freights between 
New York, or Philadelphia, and England on grain have fallen 37 
per cent since 1880. Freights on wheat from San Francisco to 
England have fallen 60 per cent. From Odessa to England freight 
on wheat has fallen 45 per cent since 1880. Freight on rice, 
Eangoon to England, since 1881 has fallen 47 per cent. 

Our canals, or "dirty ditches" to which they have been 
compared, offer no serious competition with our railways. This 
was felt to be so generally true that a Joint Committee of both 
Houses of Parliament declared their inability to offer any practical 

suggestion. 

The canals date from the time of the Eomans, who constructed 
the Caer Dyke and the Foss Dyke, but the period of public 
attention dates from the year 1566, when companies known as 
Undertakers were being formed for the purpose of improving 
navigation. In this year powers were given for cutting a canal 
by the side of the river Exe. The proper development of canals 
had to wait the introduction of locks, and this was effected in the 
17th century. 

The Aire and Calder Canal Act of 1699 gave powers to the 
proprietors to make the waterway navigable, and the tolls were to 
vary from 10s. to 16s. per ton for the entire course. An Act in 
1720 allowed the improvement of the rivers between Manchester 
and Liverpool. In 1759 the Duke of Bridgewater was empowered 
to construct the canal from his coalpits to Salford. Seven years 
later the Grand Trunk Canal, connecting Liverpool, Nottingham, 
Hull, etc., was commenced. This canal passed into the possession 
of the North Staffordshire Eailway Company in 1847. Other great 
developments in canal building were made preceding 1845. 

The first business of the canal companies was merely to provide 
the waterways. In 1845 an Act allowed the companies to become 
carriers. The same Act allowed them to vary their tolls for the 
use of the waterways. At this period the process of combination 
of railway and canal companies created much alarm, and it was 
partially stopped by the Act of 1854. The Act of 1858 put further 
restrictions on these combinations. Any canals under the control 






375 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



of a railway company were by the Act of 1873 to be kept in 
navigable condition. Under the authority of the Act of 1888 the 
canals introduced a uniform goods classification, tolls, and rates, 
which came into force on January 1st, 1895. 

Belgium allows a free course over the greater part of her 
canals, and they offer serious competition to the railways. 
Germany has 8,654 miles of canal. The Kaiser Wilhelm Canal 
alone has cost £7,800,000, and the German Emperor has a great 
scheme in hand for the construction of a canal connecting large 
manufacturing towns. 



o v 



o 



France spends £7,000 per week for maintenance of canals and 
navigable rivers. There is a complete waterway across France. 

Holland has 4,900 miles of canals and waterways, and in 
consequence of the severe canal competition railway companies 
have not been able to charge their full published rates. 

Austria has 818 miles of canal and navigable rivers for steamers 
and 1,704 miles navigable for smaller vessels. 

Canadian canals are national property, and coal is allowed 
free transit on some of them. 

The United States has 3,400 miles of canals operated: 2,215 
miles, costing £10,000,000, have been closed. The United States 
has experienced, like ourselves, the buying of canals by railway 
companies, and the 2,215 miles mentioned were shut by the railway 
companies after purchase. The competition of the canals is 
gradually diminishing. The following will effectively illustrate 
this tendency: — 

Year 1853. Year 1897. 

Tons carried. Tons carried. 

New York Canals 4,247,853 3,617,804 

Kails 360,000 20,649,810 

and Erie Eails . 631,039 19,443,898 

Canal transit is nearly useless for present trade, notwithstanding 
that rates could be 65 per cent under railway rates. Six canals 
probably are all that can be used for quick navigation. To put all 
the canals into navigable condition would cost £12,000 per mile. 
The antipathy of traders to canals as a means of transit is specially 
noticeable with the large corporations and new collieries situated 
on the side of canals, who give their traffic to the railway com- 
panies. We have 3,300 miles of canals in Britain other than tidal 
navigation, and 1,100 miles of these are controlled by railway 
companies. 



376 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



III.— FUTUEE. 

An increase in the volume of traffic is carried at less than a 
corresponding increase in cost, e.g., the maintenance of the roadway 
is not affected to an appreciable extent ; the roadway must be kept 
in good condition whatever the traffic. To haul 50 tons of goods 
for one mile necessitates the consumption of 201bs. of coal, but 
only 601bs. is consumed in hauling 600 tons for the same distance. 
Organisation of traffic and the general expenses both bear the 
same application of diminishing expenses with increased returns. 
Thus it would seem that our greater density of traffic should give 
us an advantage over other countries in rates. The actual facts 
are: — 

TON MILE AND DENSITY. 



Country. 



Britain 

Belgium 

Germany 

Austria 

Holland 

* United States 

France , 

Japan 

Sweden 

Denmark (State Railways) 

New South Wales 

India 

*Canada 

Natal 

New Zealand 

Victoria 

South Australia 

West „ 

Cape 





Average Charge 


Tons of Goods carried 
over each Mile of 


per Ton of Goods 
carried One Mile, 


Railway for Year, 
i.e., Density of Traffic. 


including 

all Charges except 

Cartage to and 




from the Stations. 


20,205 


D. 

2 


18,462 


A 


9,856 


1A 


6,828 


2A 


5,487 


1 


4,275 


1A 


3,958 


1A 


2,945 


1A 


2,716 


iA 


2,311 


iA 


1,677 


iA 


1,498 


iA 


1,381 


iA 


1,321 


2& 


1,183 


3^ 


735 


2 T V 


610 


3^t 


719 


2 


564 


9 R 



* The average for the United States and for Canada would be less by taking into 
consideration the low wagon-load rates, but the wagons in question are so much larger than 
our own that the inclusion of those rates would be unfair. 

The greater density of our traffic does not bring about a reduc- 
tion in rates, the saving in this direction being more than neu- 
tralised by two serious considerations. 



377 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



The first is the enormous capital cost of our railways, e.g. : — 



COST. 



Country. 



Britain 

Belgium 

Germany 

Austria 

Holland 

United States 

Japan 

Sweden 

Denmark 

New South Wales 



Capital Cost 

of each Mile of 

Railway. 



£ 
59,000 
29,000 
20,000 
16,000 
21,000 
12,500 
6,000 
5 000 
31,000 
14,000 





Capital Cost 


Country. 


of each Mile of 




Railway. 




£ 




12,000 




11,500 




14,000 




8,000 


Victoria 


12,000 


South Australia . . . 


7,000 


West 


4,500 




9,000 




7,000 



The cost of railways per 1,000 persons is as follows: — 

Country. £ Country. £ 

Britain 33,000 Germany 11,000 

Belgium 13,000 Holland '. . 8,000 

France 16,000 I 

FURTHER DETAILS OF CAPITAL EXPENDITURE. 



Railway Company. 



Detail. 



L. & N.-W. Co. 
L. & S.-W. Co. 
Midland Co. .. 

G. W. Co | 

L.,B.,&S.C.Co. 



Land Cost 

„ Compensation 
Cost 



Amount. 



Cost £6,300 per lineal mile.* 
„ £4,000 

„ £17,000 ,, for many miles.f 
„ £6,300 
„ £8,000 



* London to Birmingham. t Leicester to London. 

A large amount of rolling stock contributes its quota to this 
heavy capital of our railways, for with higher rates our railway 
companies draw a lesser result per wagon, owing to the excess 
number of wagons and the necessary greater distribution of the 
total receipts, e.g. : — 

WAGON RECEIPTS. 

Receipts per Wagon 
Country. per Year. 

£ 

Britain 75 

New South Wales 191 

West Australia 153 

Throughout Britain only 1^ tons are carried by each wagon 
every twenty-four hours ; our wagons usually hold 10 tons. 



378 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



To provide the dividend on our railways has taxed every mile 
of line £40 per week. 

Our goods traffic realised last year nearly £47,600,000, and 
total receipts amounted to £92,000,000. Through the heavy 
capitalisation of the railways £38,800,000 was needed for paying 
dividend. 

COMPARISON OF INCREASES. 



Year. 



Average Capital 
per Mile of Railway. 



*18G9 

tl872 

J 1888 

£1892 

1898 



£ 
34,200 
36,000 
43,600 
46,400 
52,400 



Average Goods 

Receipts per Mile of 

Railway. 



Average Net Receipts 
for Dividend. 



£ 
1,470 
1,835 
1,956 
2,200 
2,270 



Per cent. 
4-22 

4-74 
4-06 
385 
3-55 



* The railways in the following year made a considerable increase in rates, notwith- 
standing that their return on capital was good. 

+ In this year goods rates were fixed which were operative until 1893. 

j This year saw the great Railway Act. 

§ This year preceded the general rise in rates. 

The main consideration when raising additional capital is to 
provide the dividend; this absorbs nearly half the receipts of a 
railway, and it follows that when the capital is increased the 
receipts for traffic practically need only increase by the amount 
required to meet the new dividend, as the other expenses are 
mostly stationary. It is clearly demonstrated in the above table 
that the traders have given the railway companies 54 per cent 
more receipts, and the railway companies have raised 54 per cent 
more capital, but only 27 per cent more receipts were wanted to 
meet the expense of dividend on the extra capital. Nearly all the 
other 27 per cent increased receipts was beneficial to the railway 
companies, and should have been used to reduce rates. But rates 
are increased and dividends decreased owing to the second item 
of consideration, viz., unnecessary facilities. These facilities are 
given the traders as a result of competition amongst railway 
companies for traffic, but the traders have to pay very heavily 
for any small benefit in this direction. 

Our train loads compare with other countries as follows : — 
Country. Average Train Load. 

United Kingdom 70 tons. 

Belgium 96 ,, 

France 121 „ 

Germany 132 ,, 

United States 204 ,, 



379 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



We have the greatest density of traffic, but our train loads are 
small in comparison with other countries. The railway com- 
panies are providing the traders with unnecessary trains; 90 per 
cent of mineral trains run by one of our largest railway companies 
are returned empty. Where there is more than the one railway 
company carrying goods between two points there is no competition 
in actual rates, e.g. : — 



London to Liverpool. 


Class 1 
Goods. 


Class 2 
Goods. 


Class 3 
Goods. 


Class 4 
Goods. 


Class 5 
Goods. 


L. & N. W. Railway Co. 

G. 1ST. Railway Co 

Midland Railway Co. . . 

G. C. Railway Co 

G. E. Railway Co 


B. d. 
28 10 
28 10 
28 10 
28 10 
28 10 


s. d. 
34 1 
34 1 
34 1 
34 1 
34 1 


s. d. 
39 4 
39 4 
39 4 
39 4 
89 4 


s. d. 
52 6 
52 6 
52 6 
52 6 
52 6 


s. d. 
66 5 
66 5 
66 5 
66 5 
66 5 



The shortest route is by the London and North- "Western 
Railway Company, and it is stated that the one railway company 
has sufficient rolling stock to carry all the goods between the two 
points. Traffic from London to Norwich is carried by the Great 
Eastern Railway Company or by the Great Northern Railway 
Company at the same rate. The Great Eastern Railway Company 
is much the shorter route. 

The Midland Railway Company" canvasses for traffic from 
London to Gloucester, and charges the same rates as the Great 
Western Railway Company. The Great Western Railway Company 
runs the goods direct across the country ; the Midland Railway 
Company has to carry them to Gloucester via Birmingham. 

When two or more railway companies carry goods between towns 
they often arrange a division of receipts which is technically known 
as "pooling." This "pooling," or division, is generally based on 
the previous year's business of each line between the stations. 
By this means there is no competition in rates, but where 
"pooling" is not practised the companies arrange rates. The only 
competition of railways in Britain is in the provision of trains, 
canvassers, and other facilities. France saw the waste which 
would accrue from these methods, and laid down very orderly 
plans; each railway now has its own district, all conveying to her 
centre, viz., Paris. 

Legal expenses form a considerable item in the accounts of a 
railway company ; nine large companies in 1897 spent nearly 
£184,000. The British railway companies paid as legal expenses 
during 1898 £290,000. The expenses incurred in promoting and 
opposing railway Bills between 1872 and 1882 were £1,000,000. 



380 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



The legal expenses of the Great Western Railway Company have 
equalled £1,000 per mile, and the London, Brighton, and South 
Coast Railway Company's £3,000 per mile. The solicitors' bill for 
the South-Eastern Company was £240,000. The Parliamentary 
cost of the Brighton Railway Company has averaged £4,800 per 
mile, and of the Blackwall Railway £14,400 per mile. The Great 
Northern Railway Company's Parliamentary legal expenses before 
the construction of the railways were £420,000. 

We have thus two distinct items of waste — 

(a) Excess capital ; (b) Unnecessary facilities. 

It is estimated that rates could be reduced at least 40 per cent 
were these excesses non-existent. 

Traders need reduced rates; this can be appreciated from the 
following table of reductions in prices of food stuffs since 1866-1877 
to the present time : — 



Article. 
Wheat, English . 
,, American . 

Flour 

Barley 

Oats 

Maize 



Present Prices as com- 
pared with Average 
Prices in 1866-77. 
reduced 50 per cent. 
44 
,, 38 ,, 
)> 34 ,, 
>> 33 ,, 
„ 37 „ 



Present Prices a- com- 
pared with Average 
Article. Prices in 1866-77. 

Potatoes reduced 25 percent. 



Beef 
Bacon 
Butter 
Sugar 
Tea ., 



18 
20 
50 
42 
35 



Railway rates have been increased during the same period, and 
the railway companies take more now on the cheaper goods than 
they did previously on the dearer goods. The United States rates 
have been reduced 75 per cent, and the Tasmanian 80 per cent, 
since 1870. Queensland has recently made substantial reductions. 
New South Wales reduced her rates in 1895. New Zealand is now 
reducing rates. Argentine is reducing rates "to meet the necessi- 
ties of trade," and even in Venezuela there are signs of a large 
reduction. The effect of the rate reductions can be well illustrated 
from the case of the Iowa Railway Commissioners. These Com- 
missioners issued a schedule in 1889 of reduced rates. The railway 
companies offered opposition, and began reducing train service and 
discharging employes. It was, however, very soon necessary for 
the same railway companies to reinstate the discharged employes 
to cope with the increase of traffic through the reduced rates. 
The Iowa railways show the following earnings : — - 



Year 

1886-87 
1887-88 
1888-89 
1889-90 
1890-91 
1891-92 



7,500,000^ 

7,500,000 1 Years of Stationary Rates. 

7,500,000] 

8,300,000) 

8,600,000 [-Years of Decreased Rates. 

8,900,000, 



381 



RAILWAY RATES AND CHARGES. 



Further, in 1888-89 the net earnings of the companies were 
£2,400,000, and in 1890-91 these were £2,900,000. The gross 
earnings increased 15 per cent, but the net earnings increased 
21 per cent. With our British rates an increase of 6d. per ton 
gives the railway company 10 per cent more revenue. 

With us the railways are ( 1 ) Over-capitalised, and this has been 
going on with the knowledge of the State ; (2) Wasteful, un- 
necessary facilities, which is largely the result of competition 
for traffic. It is, therefore, essential to recognise these two 
considerations before putting forward any idea appearing to 
suggest material reductions in char